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Each of these distinguishing aspects of Zionism contributed to the eventual shape of Israeli
society. The socialist Zionists played a central role in establishing the labor unions, marketing
cooperatives, farms, and national institutions. They believed that manual labor was a virtu-
ous act and contrasted it with what they considered the mercantile economy of the European
ghetto. Jews in Eastern Europe were generally not allowed to own land and had to support
themselves in nonagricultural occupations.
Although the bulk of the socialist Zionists constituted Mapai (the organizational ancestor
of the Labor Party), the further left formed HaShomer HaTzair, which advocated the kibbutz
as a way of life. Just a small portion of the Yishuv lived on a kibbutz — only 15 percent dwelt on
any agricultural settlement before 1948 —but it emerged as a symbol and prime example of Zi-
onist goals. On the kibbutz, everyone worked for the good of the collective group. All activities,
including meals, education, and even sleeping arrangements for children, were communal; all
tasks were considered equal and received equal compensation.
The ascendancy of socialism in the Zionist movement starting in the 1920s arose from the
convergence of three factors. First, in Eastern Europe, most Jews were poor, and right-wing
movements were hostile to Jews. Therefore, Jewish politics, both non-Zionist and Zionist,
were skewed to the left. Second, the socialists had the best-organized movement with the most
effective and charismatic leaders. Socialist Zionism with its near-utopian vision and emphasis
on the collective good inspired the young founding generation to make diffi cult sacrifi ces.
Third, Jews saw that the institutions created by the socialist-Zionists — agricultural settle-
ments, the trade union federation (Histadrut), self-defense forces, manufacturing and market-
ing enterprises, plus medical and educational systems —would continue to play central roles
in Israeli society long after the state was established. The socialist orientation of Zionists de-
rived, therefore, from both preference and necessity.
Because the socialist wing, especially the Labor Party, was so powerful and ruled the state
so long, the contributions of centrist bourgeois and conservative nationalist forces have often
been understated. Nevertheless, these centrist and conservative groups made vital contribu-
tions to building commercial and state institutions and especially to shaping life in the cities.
The socialist movement, meanwhile, looked down on private farmers and shopkeepers. Still,
the kind of class system that existed virtually everywhere else in the world was turned on its
head to some extent in Israel's political culture.
Religious Zionism, the ideology of most Datim, also had its part to play in this process of
social formation that included tensions but also promoted stability and diversity. It prevented
too severe a break with tradition and avoided a major schism among the Jewish people. The
religious Zionists (the Mizrahi movement, not to be confused with the Mizrahim — the Mid-
dle Eastern Jews) had to compete with the anti-Zionist rabbis among the Haredim, who had
tremendous infl uence over a large portion of the Jews, especially in Eastern Europe, for whom
religious piety was the main priority. Winning many of these people over for Zionism would
have been impossible without the Mizrahi movement.
In Europe, normative Judaism had been what is today called Orthodox, that is, observant
of Jewish traditions. Yet a split had been developing between the Datim (Modern Orthodox)
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