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must play in a capitalist economy (Bately, 2002). Saul's (2005) book entitled
The Collapse of Globalisation and the Reinvention of the World reflects the shift
away from the Washington Consensus and raises questions about market
forces driving development. With the state having a reduced role under glo-
balisation, civil society and social capital became important as a variety of
organisations such as NGOs stepped in to help fill in the void. Civil society
is the cooperative social relationships 'that create bonds of trust, public opin-
ion, legal rights and institutions and political parties that voice public opin-
ion and call for action' (Alexander, 1998: 3, cited in Sommerfeldt, 2013). In
turn, social capital refers to the 'features of social life - networks, norms and
trust - that enable participants to act together more effectively to pursue
shared objectives' (Putnam, 1995: 664-665). Putnam (1995) argues that
social trust and civic engagement are strongly correlated, and Lin (2001) sug-
gests it is the elements of information, influences, social credentials and rein-
forcement that make social capital effective. With increased social capital
and an engaged civil society there is potential for the Third sector to take an
active role in development. More active engagement has led to the transna-
tional social movements listed in Table 2.2, which strengthened in the mid-
1990s in opposition to neoliberal policies (Telfer, 2009). The transnational
social movements cover a range of issues such as the environment, indige-
nous issues, feminist issues and peace, to name a few. The 1992 Earth
Summit in Rio de Janerio and Agenda 21 and the 1997 Kyoto Protocol on
climate change illustrate the growing recognition of environmental concerns
(Knutsson, 2009) and NGOs were playing a bigger role in environmental
awareness. Large protests at major international conferences, summits and
meetings where the global economy was being discussed, such as the 1999
WTO meeting in Seattle became more frequent. Transnational activism has
been referred to as interest groups taking their causes across borders and the
EU funding of Czech social movement organisations empowered them to
engage in transnational protests (Císaˇ & Vrábliková, 2012).
In the 1990s, development thinking experienced a cultural turn. Culture
emerged at the heart of development, as reflected in the UN Decade for
Cultural Development from 1988 to 1997 (Racliffe, 2006). The main rea-
sons for the prominence of culture as a key concept in development include:
the failure of previous development paradigms; perceptions of globalisa-
tion's threat to cultural diversity; activism around social difference (gender,
ethnicity, anti-racism); and the development of success stories in East Asia
and the need for social cohesion (Racliffe, 2006: 3). Development thinking
was also being challenged by Marxists, feminists and post-colonial writers
who demonstrated that development was embedded in the cultural econ-
omy of Western capitalist political economies and European colonialism
(Racliffe, 2006).
The final component in this section on human development focuses on
human security. The events of 9/11 in the United States and the subsequent
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