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background who attained vertical mobility by generating new tourism opera-
tions (e.g. scuba diving) in collaboration with foreign investors) can reinforce
inequities. As Plummer and Fennell (2009: 151) discuss with respect to the
Gili Indah case, the growth of self-organized governance systems have 'changed
to favor tourism entrepreneurs, reducing community cohesion as decision
making no longer appears to adhere to traditional laws or norms. New power
structures (tourism) have thus evolved to make changes that are in the indus-
try's own best interests at the expense of the community'.
Examples of good governance and cultural sustainability demonstrate
collaborative efforts being undertaken, such as in joint planning and manage-
ment initiatives. Natural resource conservation and issues of rights, obliga-
tions and self-determination of indigenous people have coincided positively
in co-managed protected areas such as British Columbia's Gwaii Haanas
National Park Reserve, which is co-managed between the Haida Nation and
Parks Canada (a federal agency). Environmental and cultural respect, inclu-
sion of traditional knowledge, equitable sharing of tourism income, and
indigenous empowerment are also being facilitated in Kakadu National Park
in the Northern Territory of Australia, which is jointly managed by the
Kakadu National Park (KNP) Traditional Owners and the federal Australian
Nature Conservation Agency. Aboriginal cultural advisors and park rangers
were employed from the outset in Kakadu, by the Australian National Parks
and Wildlife Service but power sharing was seen to be insufficient by Davey
(1993) because of the failure to include Aboriginal landowners in joint policy
and planning (Davey, 1993, cited in Plummer & Fennell, 2009).
Similarly, other forms of CBC have also arisen in Eastern and Southern
Africa. Community-Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) pro-
grams have been carried out in Botswana, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Kenya,
Tanzania, Malawi, Mozambique and Zambia thus far. It serves as an alter-
native form of employment in wildlife regions, and aims to address land use
conflicts, distribution of wildlife economic benefits to people living in wild-
life areas, plus local community participation in wildlife resource manage-
ment (Mbaiwa & Stronza, 2010). Drawing upon common property theory,
it promotes resource use rights of the local communities, under the assump-
tion that rural communities will feel greater stewardship over their environ-
ments and support conservation if they derive economic benefits from
natural resource use. Of the 42 registered CBNRM projects in 2002, 12 were
involved in Joint Venture Agreements (JVA) with at least seven private
safari companies, and have experienced significant socio-economic benefit
from hunting, photographic and related tourist offerings in terms of reve-
nues, local livelihoods and jobs, as a result. Study of three villages in the
program (Khwai, Mababe and Sankoyo) using a sustainable livelihoods
framework, indicates that residents employed by the CBNRM project in the
Okavango and by the joint venture with the safari hunting company have
been able to enjoy improved livelihoods in all three communities (Mbaiwa &
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