Travel Reference
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degradation. Alternative tourism forms and initiatives focused on grass-roots
development, poverty alleviation, gender and income equity, local empower-
ment and participation have thus arisen, such as the 'Fair Trade in Tourism
South Africa', 'green tourism', 'soft tourism', and variants such as 'volunteer
tourism' and, more recently, 'community-based tourism' (CBT).
While multiple definitions of CBT abound, it is viewed as a form of tour-
ism that is locally controlled through community involvement in tourism
planning and development, generates net benefits to local residents (rather
than external interests), and is environmentally, socially and culturally sus-
tainable (see Beeton, 2006; Hatton, 1999; Mowforth & Munt, 2009). As
such, it is seen to contribute to CD goals such as community empowerment,
self-reliance and building local capacity (see Matarrita-Cascante
et al.
, 2010,
on community agency; see Simpson (2008) for a critique of community
participation and community benefit tourism initiatives).
The political economy of tourism: 'Net benefi ts' to whom?
In light of the approaches and issues outlined above, what correctives or
contributions have pro-poor tourism and alternative tourism forms made to
community development
?
On the one hand are success stories of
sustainable
livelihoods
and ecological conservation, such as reported by Mbaiwa and
Stronza (2010) in rural Botswana, and Pegas and Stronza (2010) in Brazil. On
the other hand, critiques of the political economy of tourism and the neolib-
eral agenda suggest that pro-poor tourism initiatives should also be
approached with caution (see Hall, 2007a). While based on what appears to
be fair and ethical principles (see Fennell, 2006), they may offer far fewer 'net
benefits' than apparent, especially when considered within a long-term sus-
tainability horizon, and from a structural and historical perspective (Chok
et al.
, 2007). Britton (1982a) felt that many developing economies are exploited
by the tourism industry because their economies are often linked to a colo-
nial past whose structures and processes help to facilitate the continuity of
domination and control (see Akama, 2004). Bruner and Kirshenblatt-
Gimblett (1994), in their study of local Maasai participation in cultural
tourism activities of British landowners, illustrate how the script of overseas
tour operators dictates the actions and behaviors of the Maasai towards tour-
ists (e.g. not wearing jeans when meeting the visitors). It is important to
understand, however, that local community members do not sit around pas-
sively under the control of external stakeholders, but actually resist coloniz-
ing actions, and negotiate their interests where possible - for instance,
through the dance they perform for tourists sipping tea on the lawn of British
settlers, the Maasai might enact and sing about traditional practices forbidden
by the government, reinforcing their sense of cultural identity and community
through act and remembrance (see Bruner & Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, 1994).
Furthermore, the selling of souvenirs and crafts to tourists may be a conscious
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