Geography Reference
In-Depth Information
The state, public policy, and space in the
age of capital hypermobility
As late twentieth-century capitalism entered its postmodern phase, it wit-
nessed a renewed aggressiveness of corporate elites against the working
classes of the industrialized (and industrializing) world. One phenomenon
that motivated and enabled this sea-change was capital's acquisition of a
spatial freedom qualitatively greater than that characteristic of manufactur-
ing. This
fluidity was generated in part by widespread deregulation, for the
lack of regulation at the global level greatly facilitates such
fl
flexibility. The
mobility of capital was also accentuated by the generalized reduction in pro-
tectionism, including the World Trade Organization, the primary mechanism
used worldwide to minimize national threats of protectionism, as well as a
series of regional trading blocks such as the European Union and NAFTA
(Gibb and Michalak 1994; Michalak and Gibb 1997).
Another source of capital's newfound mobility was the introduction of
telecommunication networks and the digitization of information, which give
many
fl
firms markedly greater freedom over their locational choices. Trans-
national corporations—the networks' primary users and bene
fi
ciaries—rely
heavily upon such networks to coordinate and monitor international transac-
tions, which can be monitored across the globe as easily as if they were in the
same building. In dramatically reducing the circulation time of capital, tele-
communications linked far-
fi
ung places together through networks in which
billions of dollars move instantaneously across the globe, creating a geog-
raphy without transport costs. The e
fl
ectiveness of national controls was
markedly reduced by the ease with which hypermobile
ff
fi
financial capital moves
through global markets. Thus, as large sums of funds
flowed with mounting
rapidity across national borders, Keynesian monetary policies became increas-
ingly ine
fl
ective. In a Fordist world system, national monetary control over
exchange, interest, and in
ff
ation rates is essential; in the post-Fordist system,
however, those same national regulations appear as a drag on competitive-
ness, or so they were represented by conservatives. For example, “As pri-
vate capital began increasingly to circuit globally on a deregulated basis,
Keynesian nation-states progressively lost control of one of the most import-
ant macroeconomic levers—the setting of interest rates” (Peck and Tickell
1994:291).
Essentially, as capital began to circulate on an increasingly global scale,
and with drastically shorter time horizons, the Fordist-Keynesian production/
regulation regime collapsed, with profound political e
fl
ects. The relations
between Fordism-Keynesianism and the global economy in the waning years
of late modernity were always problematic. Essentially, the global economy
under Fordism consisted of a series of linked national economies, not a
seamless world devoid of barriers to the
ff
flow of capital. “One of the funda-
mental tensions of the Fordist regime was the uneasy interface between
national forms of regulation and the globalizing dynamic of accumulation”
fl
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