Travel Reference
In-Depth Information
volume). While there are many examples of rural touristed landscapes, the writing of Steven
Hoelscher (1998) on New Glarus, Wisconsin ('Little Switzerland') is representative. Having
been for decades a predominantly agricultural community settled by Swiss immigrants, in an
effort to preserve traditions and diversify their economy it was converted into a Swissifi ed
tourist destination, with a landscape focused upon outsider perceptions of what a Swiss village
ought to look like. Hoelscher's (1998) ethnography illustrates the strong sense of Swiss pride
in place, ritual and architecture that has fuelled its tourism market, yet he also takes notice
of the town's lived qualities, shedding light on how the non-Swiss and non-tourism-sector
citizens live in this touristed landscape.
Urban touristed landscapes face unique challenges, from the clash between guests and
hosts (in terms of economic status as well as cultural norms) to the preservation of both
contemporary lifestyles and architectural heritage. Cities, as sites of nearly constant move-
ment and action, are incredibly diverse in terms of lifestyles and populations. What is mundane
and everyday to an inhabitant may be exotic and spectacular to an outsider. Chang's work on
Singapore (Chapter 17, see also Chang, 1997, 1999; Chang and Huang, 2004) provides an
excellent study of these challenges - urban planning for a growing and diverse population,
while creating spaces welcoming to outsiders.
Government offi cials and urban planners in this city-state had to contend with both Indian
and Chinese ethnic populations. While striving for urban renewal of these respective districts,
they also had to plan for hospitality accommodations. They have been successful in rejuve-
nating spaces of everyday living for locals and developing tourist attractions where local
vendors and artists have opportunities (such as a river walk district), as well as building a
tourism campaign on its multiculturalism and cosmopolitanism.
Tourism landscapes - representation and image
One fi nds in the deconstruction of tourism landscapes both the physical crafting of space and
the creation of imagery to sell tourism places. These go hand in hand, and just as tourism
geographers have been instrumental in the development and planning of tourism sites, they
too examine the processes of perceptual construction of place.
Tourism sites are chosen by host societies to represent something about their society to the
world (Chambers, 2000) and are therefore 'grounded in relations of power' (Ateljevic and
Doorne, 2002; Morgan and Pritchard, 1998: 6; see also Light, 2001). In fact, tourism is impli-
cated in the 'construction and reproduction of identities at a number of scales', from the indi-
vidual to the nation (Light, 2001: 1054). Duncan Light (2001) illustrates this process in his
study of Romania, and particularly the Palatul Parlamentului (House of the People) in
Bucharest. While it was built to embody the socialist regime of Ceausescu, the state has tried
to re-write this symbolism for both its domestic and international identity. Through tourism,
Romania is trying to create a new, national image emphasising its post -socialist status, which
has overcome a totalitarian dictatorship. However, the architecture of Bucharest, and the
House of the People in particular, are clear reminders of its not too distant past, making this
task all the more diffi cult, especially as foreign tourists choose to visit this site for its grandiose
stature and as the location of one the most violent revolts in Eastern Europe.
While ideology plays an important role in the processes that underlie the selection of sites
for tourism promotion, it is also signifi cant to place promotion (see Lew, Chapter 23 in this
volume). Particularly important is how highly symbolic sites are presented in advertising
media to potential tourism audiences. If one were to deconstruct a tourism promotional
device into its constituent elements, one would fi nd a blending of the overtly symbolic
 
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