Travel Reference
In-Depth Information
example Collins and Kunz, 2007; Fainstein and Powers, 2007; Rath, 2007; Ritchie, 2008;
S. Shaw, 2007). The geographical focus of this research has largely been North American,
European and Australian, although other world regions are beginning to be studied in this
context - particularly with a tourism focus (see for example Ankomah and Larson, 2008;
O'Connor and Kong, 2009; Richards, 2010; Rogerson, 2007).
In terms of policy-oriented research, Evans (2009) undertook an international study of
creative industry policies and strategies, based on a survey of public-sector creative city initia-
tives and plans and their underlying rationales. In terms of the transferability of creativity
policy, Luckman
et al.
(2009) address recent debates about whether urban policy discourses are
indeed transferable and what is at stake in their translation, questioning the transferability of
creativity rhetoric and theories largely developed for and research in the context of 'paradig-
matic' cities (Nijman, 2000) as transferred to non-metropolitan contexts. Other policy research
from within geography has treated the emergence of creativity as a response to serial reproduc-
tion effects (Richards and Wilson, 2006) and a key generator of urban competitiveness. The
majority of this research has taken a cautionary approach to the wholesale application of crea-
tivity rhetoric in urban (re)development (see Gibson and Klocker, 2004; Peck 2005, 2010).
Richards and Wilson (2007a: 264) fl ag up an 'intrinsic-instrumental' debate whereby many
individuals and collectives in the 'creative sector' not only reject membership of Florida's supposed
creative class, but also argue that their activities should be funded through public subsidy, not
commercial channels. In the case of creative tourism 'the usual logic of public sector intervention
is missing, because these activities tend to cater largely for visitors, not “citizens” '.
For cultural and social geographers, the focus has generally been on creative and cultural
intermediaries, creative and cosmopolitan consumers, placemaking (see Chang,
Chapter 17
in this volume), performativity, lifestyle entrepreneurship, mobile elites, transnationalism and
questions of new 'glocal' modes of creative production and consumption (see Meethan,
Chapter 7
in this volume). The location and function of creative individuals and groups
within cities has also been researched in some depth, most notably by sociologist Sharon
Zukin in her extensive work on artist populations and urban change in various New York
City neighbourhoods (see for example Zukin, 1982, 1995, 2010).
In terms of recent innovations in non-urban and urban fringe creativities, there has been
an increasing focus on creativity in suburban and non-urban contexts within the geography
literature, following the realisation that creativity rhetoric is not limited to cities (Ray and
Anderson, 2000; White, 2010). Indeed, Cloke (2007) emphasises that nature itself has become
part of the creative dimension of tourism, for example. The emergence of creativity in non-
urban spheres (at least within the Academy) is exemplifi ed by a 2010 geography conference
dedicated to 'Creativity and Place' convened at the University of Exeter, UK and a recent
special edition of
Australian Geographer
on 'Creativity in Peripheral Places: Redefi ning the
Creative Industries' (edited by Chris Gibson; see Gibson, 2010a).
Finally, in the more recent manifestation of creativity within geography and the notion of
'creative public geographies', Hawkins and Lovejoy (2009) highlight the value of creative
practices as a geographical research and dissemination method, following a residency by
geographer Hawkins in an arts project.
The focus of this chapter will now turn to the place of tourism in geographies of creativity.
Geographies of tourism and creativity
In their recent landmark volume on tourism and innovation, Hall and Williams argue that
creativity is central to innovation in tourism as in any other economic sector (2008: 84).
