Attitudes toward Mountains - Mountain Geography: Physical and Human Dimensions - page 455

ter in the form of rain and rivers—a reverence that continues in societies today, from
the Andes to the Himalaya (Reinhard 2006)
Another observation probably made by early visitors to mountain peaks was of the
reaction that took place within their bodies. Symptoms of high-altitude sickness such
as stomachache, vomiting, dizziness, and shortness of breath may well have led early
people to conclude that they were transgressing on hallowed ground and should go no
higher. One notable exception was the ancient Incas, who regularly ascended to heights
of 6,800 m (21,760 ft) and more for worship and human sacrifice (Reinhard and Con-
stanza 2010; Reinhard 2006; Besom 2009).
While many of the features associated with mountains and weather evoked terror,
mountains also had positive attributes. As noted above, they were considered sources
of life and fertility, and as a major source of water through rainfall, clouds, streams, and
rivers. They also provided sanctuaries and refuges from enemy attacks as well as cool-
er, more habitable climates than many of the plains and jungle areas below them.
Mountains were often considered the home of strange (sometimes mythical) and dan-
gerous beasts. Some of these beasts were real, animals that lived in the dense mountain
forests but occasionally wandered into the snow zone, such as the snow leopard and
other large cats, bears, eagles, wolves, monkeys, and apes. Many were large predators
that were elusive and seldom seen in the lowlands, made larger than life in legends and
superstitions. Some of the legends, like that of the Yeti (Abominable Snowman) of the
Himalaya and the Sasquatch (Bigfoot) in the mountains of western North America, have
persisted to the present day.
We do not know just when human settlement of the mountains began. In the Alps and
the mountains of the Middle East, archaeological sites indicate the presence of humans
since at least the Stone Age (100,000 years ago). These include the alpine components
of the so-called Mousterian and Paleolithic cultures (Charlesworth 1957; DeSonnerville-
Bordes 1963; Young and Smith 1966; Schmid 1972, Champion et al. 2009). These moun-
tain groups were composed primarily of transient hunting parties, but some also made
permanent settlements. They lived in caves and manufactured stone hunting tools; later
(about 40,000 years ago), they used tools of bone, ivory, and antlers. Eventually they
began to paint on cave walls and to make a custom of burying their dead (often pre-
served by mummification in the dry alpine air). A steady cultural development continued
in Eurasian mountains down through the Bronze and Iron Ages (Anati 1960; Reinhold
2003).
The Americas
Radiocarbon dating of bone, shells, and artifacts indicates human presence in the Rocky
Mountains 10,000 to 11,000 years ago (Husted 1965, 1974; Benedict and Olson 1973,
1978; Kornfeld et al. 2001). The alpine tundra zone was used primarily by summer hunt-
ing parties, who apparently employed a technique of driving game resembling that used
in the Arctic. The target of the game drives was probably mountain sheep. Since, un-
like the arctic caribou, it is next to impossible to corral mountain sheep, it is thought
that the drives were designed to direct the sheep to concealed hunters (Husted 1974).
Archaeological findings show that late prehistoric peoples occupied village sites in sub-
alpine zones near tree line (Adams 2010).