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ten-year average of +46 percent. Moreover, the average compliance score before
2001, when the annual ministerial meeting of the Global Health Security Initiative
(which includes the G7 and Mexico) started, are virtually identical to that afterward.
Yet a single meeting of an all-G8 health body is far too little a foundation on which
to dismiss the value of such a forum.
Notes
1
the authors are grateful for the contributions of ella Kokotsis, lindsay Doyle, Hana
Dhanji, Danielle takacs, Heather Keachie, Jenevieve Mannell, taleen Jakujyan, and
abby Slinger, and the analysts and senior experts of the G8 research Group since 1996,
for their analytical insight and research assistance.
2
this chapter analyses 35 cases of compliance with G8 health commitments from 1996
to 2006 by adding to the earlier analysis of 30 cases the five additional cases: one from
1997 on HIv, one from 2000 on aging, one from 2002 on immunisation, one from 2004
on bioterrorism, and one from 2005 on tb.
3
an inter-coder reliability check was done independently on compliance with the same
commitment by two different trained compliance coders at two separate times: coder a in
november 2005 and coder b in november 2006. they obtained 100 percent commonality
in each of the eight G8 member countries they coded for compliance with the 2003
commitment on funding for polio eradication.
4
For general work on compliance with G7/8 commitments see li Quan (2001), Mina
baliamoune (2000), Joseph Daniels (1993), and George von Furstenberg and Joseph
Daniels (1991; 1992b; 1992a). For work by the G8 research Group see John Kirton
and ella Kokotsis (2004); John Kirton, ella Kokotsis, Gina Stephens, et al. (2004); John
Kirton, ella Kokotsis, and Diana Juricevic (2002a; 2002b); ella Kokotsis (1995; 1999);
ella Kokotsis and Joseph Daniels (1999); and ella Kokotsis and John Kirton (1997).
5
the 35 cases represented 27.7 percent of the 126 health commitments made by the
G8 from 1996 to 2005. while these 35 cases do not represent a random sample of the
126 health commitments, an effort to minimise selection bias was made by first using
all the health cases selected by the overall priority commitment identification of the G8
research Group in its annual compliance assessment and then adding health cases that
moved toward representing proportionately the number of health commitments made by
G8 leaders at their summit by year and by issue area. regression data is available from
the authors upon request.
6
In all three approaches, the G8 leaders have largely failed to try to involve either G8 or non-
G8 bodies, so conclusions about their success in doing so rest on fragile foundations.
References
abbott, Kenneth w., robert Keohane, andrew Moravcsik , et al. (2000). 'the concept of
Legalization.' International Organization, vol. 54, no. 3, pp. 401-420.
Aginam, Obijifor (2004). 'Salvaging Our Global Neighbourhood: Critical Reflections on
the G8 Summit and Global Health Governance in an Interdependent world.' Law, Social
Justice, and Global Development, vol. 1. <www2.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/law/elj/lgd/2004_
1/aginam> (September 2008).
 
 
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