Environmental Engineering Reference
In-Depth Information
Structure
are the efforts of G8 leaders to improve compliance assisted or overwhelmed
by changes in the structure of the international system, as the relevant relative
capabilities and vulnerabilities among G8 members change? In finance and
development, a combination of increasingly equal vulnerability and capability
among the G8 members did inspire finance ministers to remember and repeat such
commitments, but did not directly increase compliance (Kirton 2006b). but in health
there is no such indirect or a direct impact, either on the demand side of spreading
vulnerabilities to pandemics or on the supply side of the relevant health capabilities
that the G8 members possess.
Conclusion
G8 leaders can act at their annual summit to improve compliance with the health
commitments they make there. they can set a one-year timetable that corresponds
with the period until their next summit comes along. they can also ask the wHo to
lend a hand. Setting longer multi-year timetables or looking to their own G8 finance
ministers forum or to multilateral organisations beyond the wHo will not help—and
in the latter case will harm—G8 leaders' ability to deliver the health decisions they
collectively make.
thus international institutions make a desirable difference in improving global
health governance, even if they are informal, plurilateral, generally oriented,
leaders-level ones like the G8. but to do so they require careful, clever, action by
leaders to craft their commitments in ways that contain the catalysts that help ensure
compliance will come. Here G8 leaders must respect the one-year cadence of their
own institution and look to the formal, multilateral, health-focussed wHo.
the G8 can thus govern health through the international organisations, not by
mobilising money or defining ideological directions for them, but by employing the
existing capacity, credibility, and sense of ownership of the wHo alone as the premier
organisation in the field. The G8 can govern without the international organisations
by having its leaders set a strict one-year timetable for delivering their decisions and
perhaps by specifying which agents are responsible for the implementation task. Yet
there is no evidence that the G8 can govern against the international organisations by
building a competitive G8-institutional system of its own, with different ideals and
with more stakeholders more inclusively brought in. 6
there is no case for asking the most well-established and frequently functioning
ministerial body—the finance ministers—to deal with health. The question of holding
more frequent health ministers meetings, following the russian-hosted start in 2006,
cannot be conclusively answered on the basis of the slender evidence available thus
far. The first meeting of G8 health ministers, in Moscow in the spring of 2006, did
not apparently raise compliance with the 2005 Gleneagles health commitments.
they came in at +33 percent, the fourth lowest score in the ten years and below the
 
 
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