Agriculture Reference
In-Depth Information
Despite this narrowed perception of economic relevance for small farmers, some
additional findings of Feder and Umali's (1993) review of the adoption of innovations
are worth noting. Learning processes are seen as critical to the diffusion process
(although innovation is not analyzed in this regard). Decision-maker learning can
make a difference even under highly risk-averse circumstances. They also deter-
mined that infrastructural and agroclimatic variables had substantial explanatory
power. Following Knowler and Bradshaw (2007), we would consider these latter as
local choice framing factors.
14.4 ROLE OF FAITH-BASED KNOWLEDGE
As suggested by Duflo et al. (2009) above, the adoption of innovations is more than
simply a matter of how knowledge is produced and validated in the biophysical and
economic dimensions. Innovation adoption also involves the farmer's broader atti-
tudes, beliefs, and practices (Ajayi 2007; Kolawole 2013). Spiritual and religious
beliefs within the sociocultural constructs of the community significantly shape how
choices are framed. The framing of these choices goes beyond individual preference.
Spirituality and religion have been used to mobilize farming practices both for the
introduction of the moldboard plow in Zimbabwe as well as, a few decades later, the
promotion of conservation agriculture (Baudron et al. 2011). Agricultural practices
can be understood as components of collective consciousness shaping understand-
ings between the individual and intangible elements in the social life of communities.
Technical approaches to the environmental challenges faced by the small farmer
routinely overlook beliefs that motivate human behavior. To shape or guide choice,
the religious or spiritual values that condition the decision-making process need
to be taken into account. A person's religious beliefs help frame a worldview that
influences farm management decisions and perceptions of agricultural problems
(Corselius et al. 2003). ISFM messages should seek to build on this frame of refer-
ence; Andersson and Giller (2012) argue that faith, when framed properly within the
context of conservation agriculture innovations, can supersede both agroecological
and economic frameworks traditionally imposed by the agricultural scientist.
Building on these insights, in September 2008, a group of African biodiversity
experts convened in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, to develop a vision statement for the
future of Africa's biodiversity. The statement, termed the “Dar Vision,” stressed the
inclusion of communities of faith as a driving force behind conservation. They con-
cluded that faith-based communities are the largest social organizations in Africa
and could be mobilized to promote and enhance value-based sustainable practices
linking nature and human beings (quoted in Gambrill 2011).
Faith-based organizations, international donors, and nongovernmental organiza-
tions have been at the forefront of promoting conservation agriculture in sub-Saharan
Africa utilizing the Judeo-Christian ethic of environmental stewardship, citing bib-
lical texts that place emphasis on caring for God's creation (Baudron et al. 2011). One
example of the use of faith to promote soil conservation initiatives has origins in the
experiences of a commercial tobacco farmer in Zimbabwe (Andersson and Giller
2012). As a newly converted Christian, Brian Oldreive considered tobacco cultiva-
tion unethical and switched to maize. After 2 years of hardship from poor yields,
