Geography Reference
In-Depth Information
Matsui ( 2005 , 2006 , 2007) explored and discussed the interrelation between the
reconstruction of a sacred place and tourism. Referring to Shackley ( 2001 ), Matsui
( 2005 ) argued that sacred sites are visitor attractions created in the modern world.
Site creation and present management critically affect the signifi cance of sacred
spaces. Shimazaki and Wagner ( 2005 ) also described some elements of managing
pilgrimages elsewhere in the world. Religious historic cultures have become tourism
resources of modern tourism, and sacred spaces are treated as tourist areas (Matsui
2006 ). This type of local religious culture may also become part of the World Cultural
Heritage movement (Matsui 2007 ). Entities, such as local government, the tourism
industry, tourists, and hosts may all support this movement in hope of social eco-
nomic effects. Geographers of religion should observe the politics of these entities.
Mori has tried to produce a new framework based on the “new cultural geogra-
phy” to clarify the relationship between religious phenomena and politics in Japan
(Mori 2001a , b , 2002a , b ). This framework is illustrated by a discussion of the
Buddhist pilgrimage route around Shikoku island identifi ed by signs “Henro-michi.”
The religious landscape and meanings have been built and obtained through various
confl icts. In the 1960s and 1970s, the pilgrimage route was recognized by local gov-
ernment as a valuable cultural heritage and tourism resource. Later, the route was
rebuilt as a hiking course, emphasizing the cultural value and excluding the religious
meaning of the pilgrimage route. Mori ( 2002b ) discussed the changing spatiality and
movement modes of the “ Henro ” pilgrimage in the Shikoku Island from 1920 to
1930. He indicated that various agents, including tourism, the association with pil-
grimages, and most of all, the Japanese government, had reconstituted the network
in the space of the “ Henro ” pilgrimage. Mori ( 2001b ) also considered how, since the
1960s, a sacred space had been created by Muroto City and the Buzan sect of
Shingon Buddhism. It is very important for geographers of religion to distinguish the
meaning of the sacred place and the connection of the place with tourism, local gov-
ernment, and religion. In other work, Mori ( 2005b ) examined how Kobo-Daishi,
who was the founder of the Shingon-shu sect, is represented in Japanese culture
through exhibitions, reported by the mass media, and represented as a national hero.
Hara ( 2005 ) presented an interesting study of the relationship between pilgrimage
and historical consciousness. He attempted to assess people's consciousness of
Kamakura and the reality of pilgrimages by examining pilgrimage history from the
viewpoint of intellectual satisfaction. Moreover, he analyzed the relationship between
various forms of Kamakura pilgrimage and the development of historical conscious-
ness, the structural history of culture and intelligence. Hara distinguished two types of
visitors: “urban intellectuals” and “upper class villagers.” The former, having a high
educational background, had developed a greater interest in a retrospective trend. In
contrast, the latter took a “simple trip,” to “visit major temples and shrines in Kamakura.”
Studying the characteristics of sacred places, Onizuka ( 1995 , 1996 ) sought the
religious meaning of boundaries that have symbolic meaning in human life to eluci-
date the cosmology of living space in ancient Japan. She considered that the home
was a place with religious meaning, despite not being a religious institution, and
that there existed various views of boundary. Noticing the topographical meaning of
junction ( tsuji ), Matsumoto ( 2004 ) argued for specifi c spatial functions and reli-
gious meanings of tsuji .
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