Illicit India - Implosion: India's Tryst with Reality - page 194

'Our understanding of right and wrong appears to be related far more to achieving
whatever result is desired than to absolute notions of morality. To pay something to an offi-
cial to lubricate the movement of a file is right if it smoothens the way to the desired goal.
The payment of bribe is routinely looked upon as a matter of judicious investment, not
morality. No invocation to Lakshmi, the goddess of wealth, emphasises the importance of
making money only by conventional legitimate ways. The goddess represents wealth and
prosperity; she is worshipped for these, not for how that prosperity is arrived at … In fact,
for all the condemnation that corruption publicly provokes, Indians are ambivalent about
the practice. They consider it bad when they have to bribe when they don't want to; they
consider it good if a bribe gets them what they want. In this sense, corruption is like litmus
paper; it takes on the colour of the specific experience.'
This is echoed by Namita Gokhale, 7 who says that the Hindu concept of an 'individual
view of destiny' leads to a disregard of the greater common good. 'A society segmented
by caste and community is often narrowly focused on the advancement of the immediate
family and kin. Although there may be enormous public outrage about corruption, moral
ambiguity sets in and justifications come into play when it becomes convenient to do so.
Presented with a choice of transforming their family's prospects, by bending the rules or
taking a bribe, large or small as the situation may merit, they will rationalize it into an
ethical or pragmatic framework.' Although Gokhale is talking here about Hindu culture, it
applies across India and in other developing countries where improving the lot of oneself
and family is a primary aim, especially at a time of economic expansion and rapidly rising
expectations.
Fifteen years ago, I wrote: 8 'Politicians have little alternative but to take bribes because
there is no other way that they can finance their political party activities, while officials'
salaries are so low that they are easily tempted. Even the most honest officials say they
will take bribes, or at least not object to others doing so, providing decision-making is not
upset.' At the most petty level, officials have always charged the public for doing ordinary
work like issuing government forms, keeping telephones working or even delivering post.
In rural areas, local officials persuade members of remote tribal and other communities
to accept cash in place of subsidized goods, such as seeds or fertiliser, but then pay them
only a fraction of what the goods are worth. Road builders bribe officials to award them
contracts and to ignore inferior materials and poor workmanship, making extra profits for
the builder and guaranteeing him more work (and the official more bribes) when the road
breaks up.
'At a higher level, in the pre-1991 days of India's investment controls, companies bribed
officials to obtain business licences and block competitors. Go even higher, and govern-
ment ministers and officials took and still take multi-million-dollar bribes on large pro-
jects and contracts, frequently leading to shoddy work - often paid through consultants or