Geoscience Reference
In-Depth Information
The focus on institutions and communities as apolitical entities is not new to
climate-change adaptation policies, but it is surprising in the context of Nepal's
current political unrest, where questions of community inclusion are the issues
being contested. Equity issues become de-politicized through 'consultation',
'ensuring gender sensitivity' and techno-engineering fixes. The case examined
here shows, however, how development projects such as natural resource
management are important contexts within which national and global ideas of
resource distribution, democracy, development and climate change are taught.
Such learning is not uncontested. As my other research shows, local people
assert their own ideas of distributive justice, democracy and development as
they engage in or resist the activities promoted - including climate adaptation
programmes (Nightingale and Rankin 2012).
What emerges from this analysis is a recognition that adaptation programmes
align citizens in particular relationships with each other ('cooperation') and
the state ('local capacity for response') with highly significant implications for
democracy, post-conflict state building and the long-term trajectory of politics,
not only in Nepal but also in countries across the globe. As many of the countries
projected to suffer most from climate change are also experiencing varying
degrees of political violence, a more realistic approach to resource governance
that places intersectional struggles in the centre of adaptation concerns is
required.
recommendations
• Adaptation documents need to be produced in a manner that invites revision
and a dynamic understanding of climate change as well as vulnerability. One
mechanism is to build a regular revision process into the policies, as well as
conceptualizing adaptation as responding to unpredictability.
• An analysis of how political instability might shape the success of the
proposals is required. A multi-scalar, multi-sectoral analysis of the barriers
(and possibilities) for environmental governance created by contested
politics is needed in each context.
• Climate-change strategy documents must recognize that social, political
and cultural dynamics are equally important as biophysical dynamics in
shaping the trajectories of adaptation possibilities. Questions of politics,
power and the means through which social and political reproduction occur
need to be 'priority areas'.
• Inequality and contested politics should be taken as starting points
rather than externalities that require management.
• The documents should allow for competing visions of 'moderating
harm and capitalizing on benefits'.
• Adaptation programmes should evaluate contestations over social and
political inclusion, and assume that dynamic contests will shape how
programmes are implemented.
 
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