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forestry, land use, and conservation, biodiversity conservation, water, energy,
public health, transportation, housing, disaster management, and other sectors
and activities'. This approach to adaptation and development is consistent with
ecological modernization theory, which promotes change within current sys-
tems and structures, in contrast to 'a critical ecopolitics of change that involves
some subversion of existing modern configurations of states, markets and social
institutions' (Warner 2010: 539). Adaptation is in this form seen as part of the
'technical fix' paradigm that is at the heart of modernity. Within this paradigm,
technological advances and innovations are prioritized as the solution to most of
the world's problems (Hoogma et al. 2002).
Adaptation under 'development as usual' has nonetheless been criticized by
many scholars. Bassett and Fogelman (2013: 48) reflect that 'adaptation always
seems to take place in relation to a list of proximate factors that can be more or
less addressed without upsetting the social-political order'. Brooks et al. (2009)
similarly express concern that efforts such as 'climate proofing' implicitly protect
existing developmental policies, plans, programmes and practices against the
impacts of climate change, with the ultimate objective of maintaining the status
quo. Pelling (2011) considers this a form of resilience that does not threaten
core aspects of the dominant system. As a result, Ireland and McKinnon (2013:
158) draw attention to the 'urgent need to question the underlying assumptions
of adaptation and to investigate the ideologies and agendas that are shaping
adaptation discourses'.
Funding adaptation through development
As a response to increases in climate funding, there is a growing diversity of actors
involved in formal adaptation initiatives, including bilateral and multilateral
development agencies, humanitarian organizations, local and international
NGOs, businesses and community-based organizations (though arguably,
many of the most important adaptation strategies are carried out 'informally' by
individuals, households and communities themselves, see Olsson et al. 2014).
The donor landscape today includes bilateral donors, multilateral donors, and
various funds for adaptation projects and programmes, while there are also
initiatives run by local or regional organizations jointly sponsored by several
donors. Specific adaptation projects, for example, have been funded either
bilaterally or multilaterally through organizations such as the World Bank
and regional development banks. Despite the diversity of actors involved in
adaptation, an institutional structure of partnerships and financing originally
created for development (e.g., through institutional infrastructures in place for
Official Development Assistance (ODA)) have in effect supported adaptation
through 'development as usual' (Brooks, Grist and Brown 2009).
In addition to traditional development finance structures, specific climate
financing structures and institutions have been put in place. There are
several climate change funds, and specific adaptation funds, such as the
 
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