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from multiple sources are key components. The spinoff concept advances
this by underscoring the opportunities for tapping into possible benefits from
ongoing societal changes. We examine spinoffs along two dimensions: 1)
whether they are orchestrated , stemming primarily from organized development
programmes or government interventions, or opportunity-driven , arising from
unplanned processes emerging from larger-scale changes; and 2) whether they
are primarily induced by technological or by socio-economic changes. Although
spinoffs may affect the adaptive capacity of local communities positively and/or
negatively, our focus is on positive examples.
Spinoffs may emerge from orchestrated programmes aimed at improving
socio-economic conditions. For instance, women's empowerment programmes
are based on a broad developmental perspective that links enhanced opportunities
and wellbeing for women with poverty reduction. Self-help groups (SHGs) are
widespread in rural Asia and Africa, for promoting micro-credit for women and
enabling them to undertake livelihood-generating enterprises. Besides access
to credit, SHGs can generate positive spinoffs, like greater confidence and
self-worth, and community inclusion (see Kabeer 2001), and improved water
management skills that reduce vulnerability to climate change (Jonsson and Wilk
2014). On the other hand, several less positive aspects associated with SHGs have
also been noted, for instance increased tension, anxiety and stress about making
repayments, or when non-governmental organizations (NGOs) use shaming
women as a tactic to increase loan repayments (Ahmed et al. 2001); also, that
the narrow SHG focus on income may constrain women's empowerment by
failing to promote change in underlying social factors (Izugbara 2004). SHGs
may also further marginalize those women who cannot meet the membership
requirements. Thus, despite the positive aspects of SHGs, they can never replace
the need for equal legal rights and government intervention in oppressive gender
relations but only complement them.
An example of an opportunity-driven, technological spinoff can be
seen in the widespread use of mobile (cellular or cell) phones, even in the
poorest households (e.g. Hahn and Kibora 2008). Such phones can provide
opportunities for networking and information sharing and early notice of
upcoming events ranging from drought to job opportunities. Studies have
also noted the negative effects on poorer households, for instance that people
sometimes sacrifice travel or buying food to pay the service costs (Diga 2008).
Lifestyle changes can also lead to opportunity-driven, socio-economic spinoffs
as incomes increase and the world population becomes increasingly urbanized.
During periods of rapid economic growth, rising purchasing power creates
numerous new markets for products and services. Even poorer households
can become consumers in these emerging markets as their incomes rise and/or
they become producers of goods and services that meet new demands (Wilk et
al. 2014). Lifestyle-induced changes can indirectly, but significantly, enhance
adaptive capacities as households change or diversify their agricultural
techniques. For instance, shifting to organic production allows farmers to reap
 
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