Agriculture Reference
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observations and quantitative measurements, logical thinking, rational reasoning,
and experimentation to accumulate knowledge and improve the understanding of the
physical, biological, and social reality (Evenson and Gollin 2003). Because of their
robust methods of empirical research combining induction and deduction based on
theories, systematic collection and processing of data to test formulated researchable
hypotheses, value neutrality, objectivity, and capacity to transcend time and space,
modern sciences are generally considered to be universally valid (Shiva 1991). It
is against this strength that modern science derives its strength. Its introduction to
indigenous cultures has variably resulted in different permutations of interactions,
sometimes competing, replacing, or confronting each other and rarely forming an
intercultural integration (Akabogu 2000). The introduction of modern science in
SSA dates back to the nineteenth century and is inextricably linked to the great tech-
nological advances that drove the market-oriented Industrial Revolution in Europe
(Evenson and Gollin 2003). However, indiscriminate use of scientific ideas and
methods causes disruption not only to existing social and economic relationships
but also to TK (Larson 1998). According to Haverkort and Reijntjes (2007), the SK
intolerant of indigenous epistemologies has been promoted as the dominant knowl-
edge system to substitute for TK, perceived to be superstitious, subjective, and only
intuitive. In its aggressive budding stages, SK dominated, prevailed, and marginal-
ized TK that was characterized by low rigor, vitality, and comprehensiveness in ways
of knowing, learning, and explaining the physical, biological, and social phenomena.
In most traditional societies, TK has been marginalized, whereas conventional
SK is recognized and taught in schools from kindergarten, through primary edu-
cation to university, forming the basis for formal research and decision making at
development and government levels. Adas (1990) argues that in SSA, there were
no opportunities for advanced training to develop TK into a robust science for lack
of
investments in methods and knowledge development, and scientific research
was not promoted among the indigenous population. In the past, as reflected in
literature, the tendency and policy thrust has been to focus on how to promote the
modern science among indigenous cultures (Orvik and Barnhardt 1974). Thus,
TK has not been developed and is disappearing fast (Galaty 1999). Modernization
in general has been about government policies, research, training, and extension,
promoting scientific solutions often at the expense of traditional farming. Many
indigenous practices that were based on experiences and insights of preservation
of soils over generations were either abandoned or underutilized in preference
of technologies that promise greater short-term benefits and are unsustainable
(Gayton and Michel 2002). According to Patton (1978), time has also been a fac-
tor in the substitution of TK for SK as the notion that modern science is superior
to TK has gone on for a considerably long time. Consequently, most of the indig-
enous cultures were left ill prepared to address the emerging issues, where the
extraneous concepts of science, law, nation building, and administration were
still dominant and determined the economic competitions, development planning,
and intellectual discourse. The institutional failures including lack of access to
incentives, information, and institutions for promoting traditional ways of know-
ing and learning, have not created space for integration of SK and TK, and should
ultimately be addressed by policy makers.
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