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would be making observations “which would be advantageous not only for the
advancing of science, but also very useful for commerce, by increasing the safety
and ease of navigation.” The observations were mainly for the sake of pure science,
he claimed, and would have little practical implications for navigation but the
French king was being disingenuous. A brief about the proposed expedition to King
Louis from his Minister of Marine, Count Jean-Frédéric Phélypeaux de Maurepas,
clearly indicated the intelligence opportunities: a scientific expedition would be
above suspicion and would enable France to study the country and bring back a
detailed description.
Felipe was advised by those in Madrid still suspicious about the possibilities that
the real motives of the French expedition into the Spanish territory were imperial.
In his agreement, Felipe set conditions that the expedition should present its equip-
ment and stores for inspection upon entry into the Viceroyalty and at significant
stops, it should not enter into illegal commerce and it should follow the prescribed
route. He ordered two of his officers to accompany the expedition and keep an eye
on what was happening; what in France some thought to be a humiliating condition,
was in Spain seen as a wise precaution.
However, Felipe gave every indication that he had signed up for the scientific
motives of the expedition. He wanted the Spanish officers to be full participants and
offered to pay half of the cost of the expedition. He also made monetary drawing
rights available in Peru to provide operating funds, keeping a measure of control
over the expedition and rights to the benefits from it. He was genuinely helpful in
offering negotiations for purchases in Peru in order to avoid exploitation by the
strangers, but whatever the truth of the politics, the Spaniard officers were fully
motivated and made a great scientific success with their participation.
The French party left Rochelle in May 1735 and arrived at Carthagena in
Colombia in November to pick up the Spanish officers, reaching the Atlantic coast
of Panama before Christmas. They crossed the Panama isthmus by boat and by foot
continued to Panama City then set sail south in the Pacific Ocean. By the end of
March 1736 they had arrived at the Gulf of Guayaquil, but unlike the Lapland
expedition, which worked as a single team, the scientists in Peru split into separate
expeditions (Godin with Juan, and La Condamine and Bouguer with Ulloa). This
split reflected the uncertain management arrangements in the expedition; Godin
was a senior member of the Academy and through seniority was appointed the
nominal leader of the expedition. Bouger was the most distinguished member of the
expedition (when considered as a scientist) and was next in command but gave no
loyalty to his leader; even before the expedition had left Paris, Bouguer had com-
plained to the Academy about Godin. Bouguer thought Godin incompetent and the
weakest of the expedition's French scientists. La Condamine had first suggested the
expedition and had taken all the initiatives to see that it progressed, but he was a
junior member of the Academy and to both Godin and Bouguer. Nevertheless, he
carried out most of the organization of the expedition.
Bouguer's relationship with La Condamine was very strained and the two men
had completely different personalities. Bouguer was interested only in science and
was happiest with his head in mathematical calculations. In contrast, La Condamine
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