Geography Reference
In-Depth Information
Trubowitz, “Dead Center: The Demise of Liberal Internationalism in the United States,” International Security 32,
no. 2 (Fall 2007), 7-44; Stephen Chaudoin, Helen Milner, and Dustin Tingley, “The Center Holds: Liberal Inter-
nationalism Survives,” International Security 35, no. 1 (Summer 2010), 75-94; and Charles Kupchan and Peter
Trubowitz, “The Illusion of Liberal Internationalism's Revival,” International Security 35, no. 1 (Summer 2010),
95-109.
48 On the relationship between increased globalization and the demand for international rules, see Jeffrey L. Dun-
off and Joel P. Trachtman, “A Functional Approach to International Constitutionalization,” in Jeffrey L. Dunoff and
Joel P. Trachtman, eds., Ruling the World? Constitutionalism, International Law, and Global Governance (New
York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 5-9.
49 Keohane, After Hegemony .
50 Keohane, “Multilateralism: An Agenda for Research,” 744-45.
51 For a survey of these new sorts of transnational threats and their implications for American national security,
see Ikenberry and Slaughter, Forging a World of Liberty under Law ; and Neyla Arnas, ed., Fighting Chance: Global
Trends and Shocks in the National Security Environment (Washington, DC: Potomac, 2009).
52 The Reagan-era vision of missile defense reflected an aspiration to reestablish security independence. To be
able to shoot down any incoming missile assault is to regain the state's ability to protect itself—regardless of the
policies and intentions of others. See Francis Fitgerald, Way Out There in the Blue: Reagan, Star Wars, and the End
of the Cold War (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2000); and Richard Rhodes, Arsenals of Folly: The Making of the
Nuclear Arms Race (New York: Vintage, 2008).
53 For an exploration of the logic of security interdependence and its implications for international cooperation,
see Daniel Deudney, Bounding Power: Republican Security Theory From the Polis to the Global Village (Princeton,
NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007).
54 Zbigniew Brzezinski, The Choice: Domination or Leadership (New York: Basic, 2004), 13.
55 As Robert Cooper puts it: “The world may be globalized but it is run by states. Spaces with no one in control
are a nightmare for those who live there, a haven for criminals and a danger to the rest of us.” Robert Cooper, “Pick-
ing Up the Pieces,” Financial Times , 25-26 October 2008, Life and Arts, 17.
56 See G. John Ikenberry, “The Right Grand Strategy,” American Interest (January/February 2010), 12-14.
57 For a discussion of constitutional logic and international relations, see Ikenberry, “Constitutional Politics in
International Relations,” 147-78.
58 For sophisticated arguments along these lines, see Martin, “Rational State Choice of Multilateralism,” 91-121;
and David Lake, Entangling Relations: America in Its Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999).
59 See chapter 3 and also Ikenberry, After Victory .
60 Farley and McManus, “To Some, the Real Threat is U.S.”
61 American and European officials and commentators reminded the Bush administration that strategic restraint
and multilateral diplomatic process were vital to preserving the long-term leadership position of the United States.
See, e.g., Philip Stephens, “America Should Take the Offer of Legitimacy as Well as Power,” Financial Times , 27
September 2002; Chris Patten, “America Should Not Relinquish Respect,” Financial Times , 3 October 2002; and
John F. Kerry, “We Still have a Choice in Iraq,” New York Times , 6 September 2002.
62 The European Union's chief foreign policy official wrote a commentary piece on the day that the new Amer-
ican president was inaugurated, sending a message about his hopes for the coming administration, emphasizing the
need for diplomacy and rule-based order building: “Ultimately, the objective of diplomacy is to create agreed rules.
Rules on political participation, demarcation of borders or movements of military equipment. Rules to end conflicts
within or between states. Rules to help us address the big issues of our time: climate change, non-proliferation and
a sustainable and open global economy. The accumulation of rules, procedures and institutions sounds like dreary
work but it is what global civilization is built on. Agreed rules make states secure and people free.” Javier Solana,
“Five Lessons in Global Diplomacy,” Financial Times , 21 January 2009, 11.
63 Roger Cohen, “Obama and the American Idea,” New York Times , 9 December 2007.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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