Geography Reference
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Bernstein and Louis W. Pauly, eds.,
Global Liberalism and Political Order: Toward a New Grand Compromise?
(Albany: State University of New York Press, 2007).
21
For a conservative argument that “global governance” threatens national constitutional democracy, see Rabkin,
Law without Nations?
See also Eric A. Posner,
The Perils of Global Legalism
(Chicago: Chicago University Press,
2009).
22
The dilemma is that hegemony may be put at the service of creating an open and rulebased order but hegemony
is itself not democratic. Even when infused with liberal and consent-based relationships, disparities in power remain.
In this sense, as Lea Brilmayer argues, hegemony is, even if organized around democratic polities, “quintessentially
autocratic.” Lea Brilmayer,
American Hegemony: Political Morality in a One-Superpower World
(New Haven, CT:
Yale University Press, 1994).
23
For discussions of post-Westphalian forms of international supervision and management of weak or collapsed
states, see Stephen Krasner, “Sharing Sovereignty: New Institutions for Collapsed and Failing States,”
International
Security
29, no. 2 (Fall 2005), 85-120; James Fearon and David D. Laitin, “Neotrusteeship and the Problem of Weak
States,”
International Security
28, no. 4 (2004), 5-43; and Robert O. Keohane, “Political Authority after Interven-
tion: Gradations in Sovereignty,” in J. L. Holzgrefe and Robert O. Keohane, eds.,
Humanitarian Intervention: Eth-
ical, Legal, and Political Dilemmas
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). See also Ferguson,
Colossus
.
24
For an effort to identify norms around which a new consensus might emerge, see Bruce Jones, Carlos Pascual,
and Stephen John Stedman,
Power and Responsibility: Building International Order in an Era of Transnational
Threats
(Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2009).
25
On the evolving norms of “deviance” in international relations, see Miroslav Nincic,
Renegade Regimes: Con-
fronting Deviant Behavior in World Politics
(New York: Columbia University Press, 2007).
26
On the problem of rising states and the reform of global institutions, see G. John Ikenberry and Thomas Wright,
Rising States and International Institutions
(New York: Century Foundation, 2008).
27
There is a large literature that explores the problems of legitimacy and the use of force. For the classic explor-
ation of these issues, see Inis L. Claude,
Power and International Relations
(New York: Random House, 1966).
28
Several proposals for a new grouping of democracies have been advanced. See Ikenberry and Slaughter,
For-
ging a World of Liberty under Law
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton Project on National Security, 2006); and Ivo Daalder
and James Lindsay, “Democracies of the World Unite,”
American Interest
2, no. 3 (January-February 2007). Gen-
erally speaking, these proposals for a new democracy grouping are aimed at providing support for the reform of
the United Nations and, in the absence of U.N. reform and action, they are to provide supplemental authority for
international action. A proposal has also been advanced for a League of Democracies, which seeks to organize the
democracies for sustained geopolitical struggle with nondemocracies. See Robert Kagan, “The Case for a League of
Democracies,”
Financial Times
, 13 May 2008.
29
For discussions of the evolving technical and legal frameworks for arms control monitoring and enforcement,
see Joseph Cirincione, Jon B. Wolfshal, and Miriam Rajkmar,
Deadly Arsenals: Nuclear, Biological and Chem-
icalThreats
, 2nd ed. (Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, July 2005); and J. Christian
Kessler,
Verifying Nonproliferation Treaties: Obligations, Process, and Sovereignty
(Washington, DC: National De-
fense University Press, 1995).
30
On the rule-based character of the World Trade Organization, see P. J. Lloyd, “The Architecture of the WTO,”
European Journal of Political Economy
17 (2001), 327-53.
31
The leading study of network-based international cooperation is Anne-Marie Slaughter,
A New World Order
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004). See also Anne-Marie Slaughter, “Governing the Global Economy
through Government Networks,” in Michael Byers, ed.,
The Role of Law in International Politics
(Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2000), 177-206.
32
For discussions of American efforts to renegotiate hegemonic bargains, see Bruce W. Jentleson, “America's
Global Role after Bush,”
Survival
49, no. 3 (2007), 179-200; Daniel Drezner, “The New New World Order,”
For-
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