Geography Reference
In-Depth Information
53
For the formal statement of Bush grand strategy, see
The National Security Strategy of the United States
(Washington, DC: White House, September 2002). For discussions of the NSS report and Bush national security
strategy, see John Lewis Gaddis, “A Grand Strategy of Transformation,”
Foreign Policy
(November/December
2002), 50-57; Philip Zelikow, “The Transformation of National Security,”
National Interest
(Spring 2003), 17-28;
Robert Jervis, “Understanding the Bush Doctrine,”
Political Science Quarterly
118 (Fall 2003), 365-88; and G. John
Ikenberry, “America's Imperial Ambition,”
Foreign Affairs
81, no. 5 (September/ October 2002), 44-60.
54
This is a composite depiction of Bush grand strategy. It is meant to illuminate the assumptions and convictions
behind administration thinking and policies. I draw in particular on analyses by Robert Jervis and Ian Shapiro.
See Robert Jervis, “Understanding the Bush Doctrine,”
Political Science Quarterly
118, no. 3 (2003), 365-88; and
Robert Jervis, “The Remaking of a Unipolar World,”
Washington Quarterly
29, no. 3 (2006); and Ian Shapiro,
Con-
tainment: Rebuilding a Strategy against Global Terror
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007).
55
As such, the Bush vision brought forward ideas advanced by Pentagon officials in the earlier George H. W.
Bush administration at the end of the Cold War, arguing that the United States must act to prevent the rise of peer
competitors in Europe and Asia. As noted in an earlier section, these ideas were articulated in a Pentagon memoran-
dum written by Assistant Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz. See Mann,
Rise of the Vulcans
, 363.
56
“Remarks by the President at 2002 Graduation Exercise of the United States Military Academy,” White House
Press Release, 1 June 2002.
57
Fareed Zakaria, “Our Way: The Trouble with Being the World's Only Superpower,”
New Yorker
, 14 and 21
October 2002.
58
Letter accompanying
The National Security Strategy of the United States
(Washington, DC: White House,
September 2002), i.
59
“Remarks by the President at 2002 Graduation Exercise of the United States Military Academy,” White House
Press Release, 1 June 2002.
60
Shapiro,
Containment
, 17.
61
National Security Strategy
, 2002, 15.
62
Letter accompanying
National Security Strategy
, 2002, ii.
63
National Security Strategy
, 2002, 15
64
National Security Strategy
, 2002, 6.
65
Jervis, “Understanding the Bush Doctrine,” 374.
66
The Bush administration's doctrine of preventive wars, as Robert Jervis observers, also reinforces American
unilateralism, “since it is hard to get a consensus for such strong actions and other states have every reason to let the
dominant power carry the full burden.” See Jervis, “Understanding the Bush Doctrine,” 373-74.
67
Donald Rumsfeld, remarks on
Face the Nation
, CBS, 23 September 2001.
68
The 2002 National Security Report did express rhetorical support for America's system of alliances. For the
view that the Bush administration grand strategy was not intrinsically unilateralist, see Philip Zelikow, “The Trans-
formation of National Security,”
National Interest
71 (Spring 2003), 24-25.
69
This tendency toward unilateralism in the Bush grand strategy is reinforced by more a general skepticism that
Bush administration officials had toward the role of treaties and multilateral forms of cooperation. This more general
tendency is discussed in the next section.
70
Nicole Deller, Arjun Makhijani, and John Burroughs, eds.,
Rule of Power or Rule of Law: An Assessment of
U.S. Policies and Actions Regarding Security-Related Treaties
(New York: Apex, 2003), xvii.
71
President George W. Bush, Second Inaugural Address, 20 January 2005.
72
President George W. Bush, State of the Union address, 2 February 2005.
73
National Security Strategy
, 2002, 1.
74
America cannot be safe until threatening despotic states join the democratic world. Robert Jervis captures this
new logic: “[A]s long as many countries are undemocratic, democracies everywhere, including the United States,
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