Livelihoods, Conservation and Community-based Tourism in Tanzania: Potential and Performance - Responsible Tourism: Critical Issues for Conservation and Development - page 295

7 The new wildlife policy, for example, advocated 'Locating future major tourist devel-

opments outside PAs [protected areas] in order to reduce negative impacts and
enhance benefit sharing with local communities' (MNRT, 1998).

8 Although the area was previously used as a hunting concession managed by the

Wildlife Division of the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, and, as noted
before, most wildlife-rich community lands are included in centrally-allocated
hunting concessions, the apparent influence of foreign political and financial clout on
this allocation caused an unusual amount of controversy to surround the decision.

9 CCA is a large South African ecotourism company, and one of Tanzania's largest

tourism sector investors. Klein's Camps is its only contractual partnership with a
local village.

10 See footnotes 3 and 4 in reference to basic functions of village councils and village

assemblies.

11 Lions are a major predator upon wild dogs and account for the majority of natural

mortalities in some wild dog populations (Creel and Creel, 1996).

12 This situation is reminiscent of that documented by Thompson and Homewood

(2002) with regards to tourism on community lands outside the Maasai Mara
National Reserve in Narok District, Kenya. There, the bulk of tourism revenues are
captured by individuals, and collective institutions do not effectively function to
distribute benefits equitably among the resident population. Most of the best lands,
closest to the reserve, have been allocated to individuals or groups of elites, who reap
the lion's share of tourism revenues.

13 Relatively weaker collective institutions may in turn reflect greater local heterogeneity

in the human population; the area around Tarangire, situated along the main road
and close to the urban centre of Arusha, has seen substantial immigration from other
areas. This includes 'Waswahili' (a Maasai term for Kiswahili-speaking Bantu
peoples) and Waarusha (a more agricultural and sedentary Maa-speaking sub-
group), who have both come to this area in large numbers searching for land as a
result of overpopulation in adjacent highlands.

14 Emboreet was one of the villages included in the original Dorobo Tours and Oliver's

Camps projects initiated in 1991.

15 For example, Cooksey (2003) describes how the liberalization narrative ignores the

actual trend towards increasing bureaucratic control over key export crops in recent
years. Milledge et al. (2007) describe how timber production in Tanzania comprises
US$58 million worth of informal (i.e. illegal) exports, most of which is closely linked
to senior government officials. Newspapers in Tanzania provide new evidence on a
daily basis with respect to the large-scale private appropriation of Tanzania's public
resources, both natural and financial.

16 For example, payments to individual village leaders to allocate lands outside the

formal community decision-making process.

17 This was once made most clear to me by a local elected leader from Loliondo, who

explained the importance of tourism to local land rights struggles in this way: 'We
need financial capital to help us fight those who want to take our land away.' Another
example would be Ololosokwan's ability to hire professional attorneys at various
stages when facing land tenure conflicts.

References

Borner, M. (1985) 'The increasing isolation of Tarangire National Park', Oryx , vol 19, no
2, 91-96