Geography Reference
In-Depth Information
city marketing—cultural policy—in eight major
European cities concludes that 'the direct impact
of cultural policies on the creation of wealth and
employment was relatively small' (Bianchini and
Parkinson 1993). Similarly, studies of the impact
of the much marketed 'arts' on the economy of
Amsterdam have shown that they were far less
significant than was generally believed (Griffiths
1993). The paradox here clearly lies with the
continuing promotion of flagship developments or
events in the interest of city marketing when
much of the evidence points in the direction of
failure or very limited 'measurable' success.
However, with profound irony in the context of
'promotion' and 'image presentation', Bovaird
(1994) has noted that the same event may be
hailed as a 'symbolic' and perhaps a political
success when, in reality, it is an economic or fiscal
failure. In some ways, therefore, this may be one of
the most fundamental indictments of the
'marketing' approach of the last two decades of
urban policy.
these particular groups at all costs. Equally, it
would be wrong to assume that such city
marketing does not produce its own tensions and
conflicts (Box 36.1).
Examples of the trend towards less 'all-
embracing' and more targeted approaches to city
marketing concern a number of urban areas that
have a significant image problem in relation to
their built environment. In southern England,
Slough and Croyden provide two cases, both
widely perceived as possessing boring, 1960s or
earlier concrete urban fabrics with little cultural
vitality. Their marketing initiatives concentrate on
urban design, the identification and preservation
of existing heritage, general environmental
improvement, street events, and public art
(Millington 1996; Millar 1998). A very different
authority, which, despite its 'left wing' reputation,
has wholeheartedly embraced a marketing
philosophy is Knowsley on Merseyside. This
strategy covers a wide range of issues within the
borough. Thus, although the attraction of inward
investment is a priority, so too is the requirement
to be responsive to the needs and priorities of local
residents. This is one of the main identifiable trends
in city marketing in the last decade, that is, a shift
in the balance of marketing in favour of 'internal'
clients, whether these are existing firms or local
residents. The second detailed case study, of the
Spanish city of Malaga, demonstrates how the
latter was a prime objective of a planning strategy
adopted in the 1990s (Barke and Newton 1994)
(Box 36.2).
CASE STUDIES: EVOLVING
MARKETING STRATEGIES
Given the problematic nature of city marketing
identified above, it is perhaps hardly surprising that
recently the activity has taken on a more fluid and
varied identity than formerly. While some local
authorities see a reduced significance for the
marketing approach—one recent survey suggested
that a third of local authorities were doing less
marketing than previously (Millington 1996) —
others have radically altered their focus and
become much more specific, in terms of both their
expectations of and targets for city marketing.
Conventionally, city marketing has been directed
primarily at an external audience. The two main
groups of 'customers' have tended to be potential
inward investors, especially those with
considerable employment generation potential,
and the attraction of tourists who will engage in
spending within the locality. However, it would
be wrong to assume that all local authorities have
engaged in a somewhat unthinking quest to attract
CONCLUSION
City marketing, in terms of both its practical
application and its academic study, has passed
through a series of phases. Initially, the emphasis
was on how cities may be promoted (i.e. 'sold'),
but subsequently the broader concept of
marketing was introduced (i.e. finding out what
potential consumers wished to buy). The
techniques of such marketing involved the
creation of new forms of representation of places
and led into a major concern over 'image'. In
