Geography Reference
In-Depth Information
Box 32.1
Case study: domestic burglary
Burglary is unique among crimes for the conjunction
between victim's residence and the place of occurrence.
It is one of the main sources of fear of crime, because of
the strong emotions aroused by the violation of personal
space. Burglary has been well researched, and its
prevention is a key priority of criminal justice.
Six hypotheses found useful in explaining geographical
concentrations of burglary:
1
Affluence
Wealthier households are, on the whole, more likely to
be burgled, but this role needs heavy qualification—it is
relative affluence rather than absolute, since visibility
and accessibility are also important.
2
Vulnerability
There needs to be a basic distinction between the
vulnerability of the house and the vulnerability of the
neighbourhood, since burglars appear to make two
separate spatial decisions—to go burgling (choice of area)
and which house to burgle (while cruising the chosen area).
3
Social cohesion
This is important in the visual cues that are offered to
potential offenders—signs of surveillance/occupancy—
as well as in the mobilising of community protection, for
example Neighbourhood Watch.
4
Reputation
Some areas will attract more burglary for the image they
present. Well-lit, tidy, well-cared-for neighbourhoods attract
less burglary than scruffy, run-down neighbourhoods. But
highly visible symbols of wealth are also an attraction.
5
Proximity
Most burglars are young and opportunist. Proximity to
areas of offender residence raises the risk of burglary.
This factor has become less important, as the mobility of
offenders has increased by stealing cars.
6
Concentration
Having already been burgled is a strong predictor of
burglary patterns. The pattern of repeats is highly localised,
so concentration serves to reinforce existing patterns.
Repeat burglary arises from a combination of:
1 offenders returning because they are familiar with how
to get in, did not finish the job the first time round, think
that insurance will have replaced the goods, etc.; and
2 the house is 'marked' as an attractive target due to
affluence, location, ease of access, lack of
occupancy, etc.
Sources:
Davidson 1984; Bennett 1989; Hough and Tilley
1998.
the inner-city zones with the highest delinquency
rates were characterised by physical decay and
obsolescence, by high rates of in-migration and
transience, and by family breakdown.
Delinquency areas were found to persist over time
despite rapid turnover of population. The focus
on the neighbourhood is Shaw and McKay's most
enduring legacy, together with a research
methodology carefully rooted in the communities
studied.
The concentration of offending in particular
areas was central to Terence Morris's (1957)
development of the concept of criminal areas
based on a study of Croydon. He found that the
pattern of delinquency was rather different from
the Chicago model, with more emphasis on
council housing estates well away from the urban
core. In the 1960s and 1970s, the emphasis on
offender areas waned somewhat, partly as a
response to new statistical methodologies based
on offence location, and partly with the
reemergence of interest in the victim. However,
two contrasting studies continued in the
ecological tradition. Gill's (1977) study of a small
area of Liverpool followed the ethnographic
tradition but yielded valuable new insights into
the relationship between youth, crime and
neighbourhoods. The Sheffield Urban Crime
Study was on an altogether different scale. It
covered the whole city and combined new
statistical analyses with interviews and research on
the processes whereby crime was identified and
categorised. It started with the work of Baldwin
and Bottoms (1976) on offence and offender
patterns, continued with Mawby's (1979) study of
policing, and has remained active in a series of
papers concerned with the role of housing markets
in crime, and the persistence of criminal areas
through the notion of community crime careers.
The Sheffield studies identified a clear
distinction between offender residence (the focus
of criminal areas research) and offence areas (the
basis for high-crime areas). Although offence and
offender areas could overlap, for example in some
inner-city areas and council housing estates, there
was no necessary accordance. In the 1970s, new
ideas began to emerge linking offence and
offender location. One strand concentrated on the
