Environmental Engineering Reference
In-Depth Information
Scenario 4 assumes a large increase in distance travelled by public transport (+270 per cent
on 2010 levels by 2030), delivered mainly by an extensive BRT system and a limited metro
system. Jinan currently has 3,500 buses and 4,000 bus stops with an annual travel distance
of 155 million km (Jinan Statistics Bureau, 2009). The existing bus capacity cannot meet the
increasing demand of Jinan city, but the conventional bus network can also be much enhanced,
with newer and clean vehicle technologies and traffic priority measures, improved integration
between services and other modes, through ticketing and integrated fares. Information and
communication technology (ICT) can also provide more information about public transport
services, and traffic conditions. The integrated smart card (IC) can be used on the public
transport system and a discount to normal ticket pricing can be introduced to encourage the
increased use of public transport.
Urban form
Chinese urban cities are built at relatively high densities, certainly in the inner areas, and this
fits well with efforts to encourage the use of walking and cycling and public transport. The
likelihood is that they will remain fairly compact and well planned. However, there is a danger
in the developing urban sprawl as increased development is accommodated. More and more
cities are suburbanising, replicating the dispersed structure of North American cities. Residents
are relocating to the suburbs, moving away from the central area congestion. They are searching
for more living space (usually mid- to high-rise towers in isolated superblocks), and employment
sites are also being developed away from central locations, resulting in longer commuting
distances (Cervero and Day, 2008).
There is much interest in sustainable city form, or the development of eco-cities, as part
of efforts to decarbonise city life. For the moment, progress with eco-cities remains limited,
with only a few examples being developed, usually as joint ventures between Chinese land
and investment companies and overseas developers and consultants. Examples such as the
Dongtan, Tianjin (China-Singapore) and Cao Fei Dian eco-cities remain limited in size, and
they are often remote from the neighbouring city. Most have experienced difficulties in
implementation, and any resulting ecological credentials have been queried (Wu, 2012).
China's urban form is the result of a very particular historical trajectory. Urbanisation
was extremely limited during the 15 years of the Cultural Revolution (ending in 1979). Public
investment in urban transport and housing infrastructure was minimal, with a greater focus
of effort on rural areas. Rural-urban migration was tightly restricted by laws and government
control over employment locations. Market reforms were introduced in 1979, and rural-urban
migration picked up again, and recently this has accelerated rapidly. Urban land and housing
markets have been introduced. Previously there was no private mechanism for farmers to sell
land to developers, hence cities remained compact (Hook and Replogle, 1996). In recent years,
cities have been promoted by central government as 'engines of growth' for national and
regional economies. Cities, for example, are allowed to annex suburban areas and develop
them as city districts. Large foreign capital revenue streams have been attracted from Hong
Kong, Taiwan and elsewhere internationally, and new industries, commercial organisations
and services have appeared. With increasing exports from China, and the manufacturing sector
now acting as the 'world's factory', a significant middle class has emerged that consumes
material goods, including homes, cars and other products. New spaces of 'differentiation and
marginalisation' have developed, exemplified by the rise of exclusive gated communities and
also poor migrant enclaves, and an increase in income inequality. At the same time urban life
