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past when viewed from the present
• all accumulated cultural and artistic productivity
• the natural environment
• a major commercial activity, e.g. the 'heritage industry'.
Undoubtedly, there is significant overlap between these various conceptions of
heritage. However, according to Tunbridge and Ashworth (1996):
there are intrinsic dangers in the rapidly extending uses of the word and in
the resulting stretching of the concept to cover so much. Inevitably
precision is lost, but more important is that this, in turn, conceals issues
and magnifies problems intrinsic to the creation and management of
heritage.
(Tunbridge and Ashworth 1996:3)
Ironically, the uncertainty about what constitutes heritage is occurring at a time when
heritage has assumed greater importance because of its relationship to identity in a
constantly changing world. As Glasson et al. (1995:12-13) recognised, 'One reason why
the heritage city is proving such a visitor attraction is that, in easily consumable form, it
establishes assurance in a world which is changing rapidly'.
The formulation of what constitutes heritage is intimately related to wider political,
social, economic and technological changes which appear to reflect postmodern concerns
over the end of certainty and the convergence between cultural forms which were once
seen as separate aspects of everyday life, e.g. education and tourism or, in even more of a
heritage context, marketing and conservation. Much discussion in heritage studies has
focused on the recognition of multiple meanings of heritage, particularly with respect to
the recognition of other voices in heritage, such as those of indigenous peoples. Yet,
while the cultural construction and complexity of heritage is now readily acknowledged
(e.g., K.Hudson 1987; Corner and Harvey 1991; Hooper-Greenhill 1992; Tunbridge and
Ashworth 1996; Hall and McArthur 1998), what has not been readily forthcoming is the
translation of this understanding into practical approaches for heritage managers who are
faced with the day-to-day reality of multiple demands on heritage and the quality of the
heritage product.
In many urban areas, particularly those which have a substantial migrant and/or labour
heritage, other histories are also finding their voice and recognition through the work of
heritage managers. For example, the comments of Norkunas (1993) with reference to the
heritage of Monterey, California, apply to many other communities:
Ethnic and class groups have not forgotten the totality of their own pasts.
They have certainly preserved a sense of themselves through orally
transmitted family stories, and through celebrations and rituals performed
inside the group. But their systematic exclusion from official history
fragments the community so that feelings of alienation and 'loss of soul'
are experienced most deeply by minorities.
(Norkunas 1993:99)
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