Agriculture Reference
In-Depth Information
technologies: traditional practices which are 'reinvented' as novelties compared with
practices or products generated by the regime (e.g. using a 250 year old kiln to dry fruits in
the Czech Republic or developing traditional crafts and foods in Greece and Bulgaria).
These initiatives demonstrate a willingness to experiment with traditional practices which
are often, but not always, fashionable in modern society. The niches protect these retro-
innovations through locally designed certification and quality assurance schemes.
All three initiatives have fostered cooperation amongst local actors. This is an
important change compared to the limited amount of collective action, and the apathy and
individualism of actors prior to the start of the initiatives. Collective action necessitates
networking, which is not primarily oriented to agriculture alone but is more
multifunctional, addressing social, environmental and economic goals. The bridges between
networks are important for the initiatives to work. They enabled, at least at the beginning,
the transfer of new ideas from outside to influence and help the initiatives to develop.
Key to these new networks were newcomers who came to the area (and to farming)
with new ideas. As such, they represent reflexive actors; as the initiators of their respective
initiatives, they were the 'engines of change'. They tended to have different backgrounds to
the majority of the local population, in that although they were, in many cases, the
descendants of local people, they had lived in urban areas. They recognized the potential of
the lake in the Greek case for irrigation and also for tourism. In the Czech case they saw
sustainability in its three dimensions: processing organic apples to produce quality cider
which provided local jobs, was profitable and beneficial to the local environment. In the
Bulgarian case, they developed ideas about integrating rural tourism and the value of nature
protection.
Although the newcomers were important in the early part of the process, once the
initiatives had established, the new forms of governance, surprisingly, hindered the
transition process. In Greece and the Czech Republic (Bulgaria is at an earlier stage of
transition) the niches and their networks, although successful, are seen as operating
primarily to serve their members. As such, they seem closed and are not generating the
expected benefit for the whole region. The Greek case is both the oldest and the one where
this problem is the most critical for the future development of the niche. In the Czech
Republic, local inhabitants take the initiative for granted and are much less active than they
were in the past. Similar to the Greek case, the activities centre on the core members of the
network. Niche networks therefore may face resistance when anchoring into regime
networks (actors who are not members of the 'core niche network'), impacting negatively
on the niche.
The outcomes of the reflexive governance structures are also supported by the
existence of similar types of initiatives elsewhere. The Greek initiative was impacted most
by the existence of a local LEADER project, albeit indirectly: locals considered the key
actor of the initiative (the development agency ANKA) and the LEADER project to be
synonymous, with new entrepreneurs coming to the area and therefore believing that
LEADER was not for them. On the other hand, the Bulgarian case was strongly influenced
by contemporary EU policy and its measures and less by LEADER (the Local Action
Group did not submit a local development strategy for funding). The Czech case was less
influenced by EU rural development policy measures, although the actors in this case
learned from examples outside the Czech Republic through the international networks of
environmentalists. This case implements the principles of LEADER without being strongly
committed to the LEADER Local Action Group. Some of LEADER principles were used
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