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doctor), Krivo et al. ( 2013 ) observed that African Americans and Latinos experience
additional penalties in social isolation in where they conduct routine activities and
in association with their movement in the city when compared to Whites who live
in economically similar neighborhoods. These studies clearly showed that focusing
only on the time people spend at home or in their residential neighborhoods can lead
to misleading results.
Interestingly, urban studies scholars Atkinson and Flint ( 2004 , 876) have pro-
vided some of the earliest arguments for expanding the focus of segregation studies
to a greater consideration of “the dynamic flows of everyday life both within and
outside the field of residential interaction and lived experience.” They suggested
that segregation needs to be considered with regard to both how people's everyday
lives unfold dynamically over time (daily dynamism) and their static residential
manifestations. While their study focused on how gated communities represent
spaces of self-exclusion created for avoiding unwanted social contact by “elite”
social groups, they argued that each of these spaces segregates its occupants from
social contact with different social groups through what they called “time-space
trajectories of segregation” (Atkinson and Flint 2004 , 877).
Recent studies strongly corroborate this insight and the need for new perspectives
on racial segregation that take time and the dynamic flows of everyday life into
account. With a focus on where, when and with whom people spend their time, Lee
and Kwan ( 2011 ) showed that the spatiotemporal experiences of social isolation
of Korean immigrants in the U.S. can be effectively revealed through examining
their daily space-time trajectories and patterns of social contacts in space-time. In
another study, Wang et al. ( 2012 ) observed sociospatial segregation among residents
of different types of neighborhoods in Beijing, China based on the spatiotemporal
configuration of their activity spaces. Using GPS and cell phone data to examine
where subjects spend time and how they move around, Palmer et al. ( 2013 ) found
that for a quarter of the participants, exposures to whites when they are in and
outside their residential neighborhoods are different (higher for white participants
but lower for blacks and Latinos). The study concludes that time spent outside the
residential neighborhood can either attenuate or intensify segregation, depending on
the social group one is examining. These studies cogently illuminate the need for
going beyond people's residential spaces (and times) in research on racial/ethnic
segregation or social exclusion to consider how and where different social groups
spend their time in their daily lives.
4.3
Environmental Exposure and Geographic Context
Geographic context is an important notion in environmental health and neighbor-
hood effects research (e.g., Kawachi and Berkman 2003 ; Diez Roux and Mair
2010 ). It is the conceptual foundation of various methods for assessing people's
exposure to contextual or environmental influences. An essential task in this kind
of studies is to identify the appropriate geographic area or contextual unit for
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