Beyond Space (As We Knew It): Toward Temporally Integrated Geographies of Segregation, Health, and Accessibility - Space-Time Integration in Geography and GIScience - page 40

which members of different racial or ethnic groups live apart from each other (Ellis
et al. 2004 ). Based on the geographic clustering or concentration of different racial
groups and using census data to compute summary measures of segregation, these
studies examined segregation at various spatial scales based on static population
distribution in the residential space (Wong and Shaw 2011 ).
Yet people experience segregation or social exclusion not only in their residential
neighborhoods but also in other spaces as their daily lives unfold, including their
workplaces and sites for social and recreational activities (Lee et al. 2008 ; Skans
and Åslund 2010 ; Lee and Kwan 2011 ; McQuoid and Dijst 2012 ;Schwanenetal.
2012 ;Wangetal. 2012 ;Palmer 2013 ). Ignoring the time people spend outside
of their residential neighborhoods and their interactions with other social groups
there omits a considerable part of their everyday experiences, which may reinforce
or mitigate the segregation they experience in their residential spaces and lead to
erroneous conclusions about their overall segregation experiences (Wong and Shaw
2011 ; Jones and Pebley 2014 ;Kwan 2012b ;Palmeretal. 2013 ; Krivo et al. 2013 ).
It can also create a misleading impression of a city's racialized spaces as fixed
(Kwan 2002 ; Ellis, Wright and Parks 2004 ). Considering people's daily mobility
and including other spaces (e.g., school, work, or leisure spaces) in segregation
studies will allow us to more accurately assess people's experience of segregation
(Wong and Shaw 2011 ). 1
Further, examining segregation or social isolation based on where individuals
of different racial groups live ignores how the presence of others who work or
undertake other activities in those residential neighborhoods influence people's
segregation experience (Ellis et al. 2004 ; Jones and Pebley 2014 ). For instance, the
study by Ellis et al. ( 2004 ) on the Los Angeles metropolitan area observed that
segregation examined by work locations is considerably lower than by residential
neighborhoods, indicating that there may be more intergroup interaction during
working hours than at home. But the picture seems much more complex when
other activity spaces are included, as indicated by two recent studies using the
Los Angeles Family and Neighborhood Survey (L.A. FANS) dataset. Jones and
Pebley ( 2014 ), for instance, found that most people experience substantial racial
segregation across the range of spaces in their daily lives, not just in their residential
neighborhoods (e.g., both Latinos and African Americans have activity spaces
with relatively low proportion of whites). Considering a range of neighborhoods
where individuals undertake their daily routines (e.g., shopping, working, seeing a
1 However, it is important to note that living or working in less segregated environments (e.g.,
racially mixed residential neighborhoods, workplaces or schools) do not necessarily mean higher
exposure to social advantage or more positive experience for racial minorities. As many past
studies have shown, it may instead mean more intense exposure to racism and various intersectional
discriminatory practices or oppressive encounters (e.g., Tatum 1987 , 1997 ; Lim and Herrera-Sobek
2000 ; Li and Beckett 2006 ; Valentine 2007 , 2010 ). To fully understand people's spatiotemporal
experiences of marginalization, discrimination and social isolation, we need to go beyond spatial
proximity of social groups to examine how oppressive power relations pervade micro spaces (and
times) of everyday encounters.