Residence Roma - Global Rome: Changing Faces of the Eternal City - page 225

acknowledgments
a previous version of this chapter first appeared as “Residence Roma: senegal, italy, and
transnational hybrid spaces” in Interventions 2009, vol. 11 (3): 400-419. i would like to thank
Routledge of the taylor and francis Group for permission to reprint material from this essay.
Notes
1. on the articulation of the difference between these two concepts see Derrida (2000).
2. The figure does not include immigrants without a legal permit of stay, who remain out-
side statistics and whose mobility is severely restricted by their illegal status. an approximate
estimate of senegalese illegal immigrants is given by the number of applications for work per-
mits received by the ministry of the interior on the occasion of the December 2007 deadline
for admission to italy under the quota decree: 14,836 senegalese without a work permit ap-
plied, that is, approximately 33 percent of the actual total legal number. Yet only one thousand
work permits were allocated for senegal. The number of applications received for other afri-
can communities included: 97,085 for morocco, 16,010 for tunisia, 12,057 for Ghana, 5,889 for
Nigeria, 1,904 for algeria, 159 for somalia. see polchi (2007).
3. The Caritas/migrantes figure refers to data for 31 December 2010.
4. another large settlement was Residence prealpino of bovezzo, near brescia, evacuated
in January 2008.
5. my estimate was made on the basis of an average of four people per rented apartment
(palazzina a included 220 apartments) and not on the number of actual rental contracts. The
director manager of Residence Roma did not make data available concerning the actual rental
contracts. These would have not been of much use anyway since, according to my calculations,
at least three-fourths of the inhabitants of palazzina a were not on the director's records be-
cause of their status as illegal immigrants.
6. pierpaolo mudu (2006) explains how the city council has been selling apartments in the
historic center of Rome in order to buy others in the outskirts, thus pursuing a policy of eco-
nomic investment rather than one of preservation of the city's real-estate patrimony. Rome's
real-estate business had seen the involvement of the mezzaroma family on different occasions,
such as the restructuring of the ex-deposit sefer on Via appia Nuova. Residence Roma is a
further example of this powerful family's involvement in the city's exploitative business of
decentralized investments and gentrification.
References
Caritas/migrantes. 2006 . Dossier Statistico Immigrazione 2006. Rome: Centro studi e
Ricerche iDos.
——— . 2 0 1 1 . Dossier Statistico Immigrazione 2011. Rome: Centro studi e Ricerche iDos.
Carter, Donald martin. 1997. States of Grace: Senegalese in Italy and the New European
Immigration. minneapolis: university of minnesota press.
Casacchia, oliviero, fiammetta mignella Calvosa, and eugenio sonnino. 2006. “social
and Demographic trends in Rome: population, migration, and social structure.”
in Rome and New York City: Comparative Urban Problems at the End of the 20th