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as a discourse that limits the scope of altruistic inclusiveness. it is apparent that
the Roman celebration of self is done at the expense of feelings of inclusion with
others. although many scholars and journalists lament the italian tendency to
identify with narrow scopes (hence the concept
campanilismo
), Romans under-
stand this part of fandom to be entirely positive.
politics, football, and
Romanità
The most important consequences of
romanità
and football fandom occur away
from the football field, in the politics shaping contemporary Rome. Roman foot-
ball fans use
romanità
in a way that subverts the fascist desire to Romanize all
italians. for the Roman football fans,
romanità
is what makes them different in
a sports culture that relishes difference and, given that football is very much a
part of italian and international politics, this perspective has significant political
repercussions.
luca is a 33-year-old member of both boys Roma (another of as Roma's ultra
groups) and forza Nuova (New force—a neofascist movement). he studied po-
litical science and enjoys discussing the links between politics and sport. while
discussing the ultras' stance against globalization, he explained that multina-
tional corporations are a menace to local cultures because they tend to demand
a marketplace that acts within the strictures of american multiculturalism. The
sting of a “moral prohibition” against local pride in football was already being
felt, with recent governmental crackdowns on freedom of expression during
games. “why would anyone have a problem with our love of Rome?” he asked,
before responding, “only if they feared being excluded. There are many people
who believe that the world belongs to them and that anywhere people build a wall
against them is a sign of ignorance.” “and not pride or protection,” i interjected.
“we are not allowed pride,” he answered. “our pride is what [americans] call
racism.”
in this way,
romanità
may be understood as a bulwark against the world and
it points to an exclusionary tendency in contemporary Rome, where many racial-
ly and culturally diverse immigrants are viewed with scorn. according to Cari-
tas, Rome is home to some four hundred thousand non-italian immigrants, com-
prising 14.8 percent of the city's population. These come primarily from eastern
europe (40 percent), other european union states (20 percent), asia (20 percent),
and africa (10 percent). immigrants make up 9.4 percent of the city's workforce
(Nozza 2010, 16-27). while this type of immigration has seen a steady increase,
italian migration to Rome has slowed since the late 1990s (Nozza 2010, 27).
in italian popular political discourse, unlike in america, it is still possible
to debate the consequences of immigration in terms of its impact on culture.
maurizio, a 27-year-old ss lazio fan, mirrored luca's comments about Romans
wishing to disconnect from contemporary Rome. “our Rome,” he said, “is that
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