Geography Reference
In-Depth Information
4. The securitization of migration has spread globally in recent decades, especially in de-
veloped countries (bourbeau 2011; huysmans 2006; watson 2009), and italy is no exception.
The media and politicians from left to right have widely contributed to explicitly constructing
migrants as a threat to local and national security (see, for example, palidda 2011). on the
criminalization of Roma in the capital, see sigona (2008) and Clough marinaro (2009).
5. This section summarizes and develops part of the findings published in Daniele (2011).
6. These arrivals were part of the beginning of what piasere (2004) has termed the third
wave of Roma migrations from eastern to western europe. matras (2000) provides an
overview of recent Roma migrations, while lockwood (1986) focused on those from former
Yugoslavia.
7. according to a survey of Roma residing in the capital in 1985 published by Karpati et al.
(1986), several dozen Roma were living in this area and other small settlements were scattered
throughout the ostiense neighborhood.
8. see Daniele (2011, 95-122) and solimene (2010) for a chronology and analysis of anti-
Roma protests in the 1980s and in the last decade.
9. italy's civil protection agency which provides immediate logistical intervention and
emergency relief in the case of natural and other disasters.
10. between 2008 and 2011, the city government under mayor alemanno closed two au-
thorized camps (Casilino 900 and la marmora), relocating over a thousand Roma in existing
camps. The tor De Cenci camp was demolished in 2012, and, at the time of writing, its approxi-
mately 400 residents were expected to be moved to the la barbuta camp, which had just been
built, and to Castel Romano. The eviction and demolition of unauthorized camps is frequent
and ongoing, continuing the policy which began under left-wing mayor Veltroni. There are
startling similarities in the way the two mayors have underlined the number of Roma repatri-
ated as evidence of their policy's success.
11. in 2007, the left-wing administration signed a “security pact for Rome” which explicitly
defined camps as sources of urban insecurity that required intensive policing. in the same year
and shortly before the municipal elections, a Romanian Rom murdered Giovanna Reggiani, a
middle-class Roman woman, triggering intense anti-Roma discourses by both left- and right-
wing candidates. see Clough marinaro and Daniele (2011) for an analysis of how the victorious
right-wing proceeded to manage the presence of Roma in the capital.
12. fires in unauthorized camps in Rome killed a small child in august 2010 and four other
children in february 2011. see: http://tg24.sky.it/tg24/cronaca/2010/08/27/incendio_cam-
po_rom_muore_bambino_roma.html and http://www.corriere.it/cronache/11_febbraio_06
/roma-incendio-baracca_5c213c98-3230-11e0-a054-00144f486ba6.shtml (accessed 12 october
2012).
13. although residence in these camps is also temporary and conditional, as Cervelli un-
derlines in chapter 3.
14. for an additional account of these events, see Chiodo 2011. The english version can be
viewed at: http://www.cronachediordinariorazzismo.org/wp-content/uploads/Chronicles-of-
ordinary-racism-2011_versionedefinitiva2.pdf (accessed 12 october 2012).
15. in delegating the management of this problem to Caritas, the municipal government
acted in line with its broader system of social services aimed at the Roma, which provides
initiatives targeted exclusively at them and is run by a limited number of NGos. This case
provides a clear example of the state's increasing outsourcing of social services to the volun-
tary sector, coupling retrenchment of welfare with new forms of control and regulation (see
muehlebach 2011 for an excellent analysis of this phenomenon in italy).
16. mayor alemanno has accorded various business and entertainment personalities the
status of representatives of some of the immigrant communities in the city, giving them a
formal public role in negotiations with the city government.
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