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generally (Milanovic 2011). In many developing societies, rural hinterlands have been
particularly disadvantaged; where it is combined with ethnic differences with the
majority of the state's population, this relative backwardness can constitute a recipe for
violent (Maoist style) insurgencies. Recent increases in food and fuel prices, coupled
with real resources devoted to debt servicing present new vulnerabilities. The important
point is that such relative deprivation can take place even when the nation's aggre-
gate economic performance is impressive and growth is both positive and buoyant.
Thirdly, there are ethnic or communal conflicts where groups compete over dwindling
resources, such as those utilised in agriculture (Homer-Dixon 1999) or other con-
testable endowments like land. Many of these ethnic conflicts do not include the state
as a direct participant.
Contemporary violent internal conflict does not always take the form of civil war;
it can be associated with both developmental success and failure, the more acute form
of the latter is often referred to as state failure. Mass protest and communal strife are
becoming increasingly important forms of internal conflicts in developing countries.
Thus, even in successful developing countries and emerging market economies such
as India, globalisation and growth can lead to new forms of conflict. Furthermore,
democracy does not serve as a panacea for conflict prevention.
This chapter summarises the state of the art on the origins of violent internal
conflict in developing countries, highlighting the connection with natural resources.
The rest of this work is organised as follows. Section 2 contains an outline of new
forms of vulnerability and an integrated theory of conflict and development. Section
3 presents a sketch of the relationships between natural resources and conflict or
cooperation. The salience of the local nature of new types of conflict is described
in section 4, while section 5 outlines issues in sectarian (communal) conflict based on
ethnic difference. Finally, section 6 is by way of conclusion, pointing to certain lacunae
in conflict research.
3.2 CONFLICT AND UNDERDEVELOPMENT/DEVELOPMENT
Nowadays, organised large-scale conflict in developing countries is almost universally
regarded as a source of human development failure, the perpetuation of poverty and
human insecurity, all of which enhance the risk of failed states. Equally, endemic
poverty and state failure enhance the risk of civil war and conflict. Therefore, the
developmental goal of poverty reduction requires conflict prevention. Conflict (even
in distant lands) further undermines international security, and thus conflict preven-
tion, abatement and resolution are paramount if the costs of dealing with state failure
are to be avoided. Following on, both developmental and security considerations neces-
sitate conflict prevention via human development and poverty reduction. In practice,
however, it is difficult to separate the development and security agendas. In 1941,
during the Second World War, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt proclaimed four
fundamental freedoms. Among these were the freedom from want and the freedom
from fear. The former may be regarded as akin to human development. When we
combine it with the freedom from fear it helps shape our notion of human security.
Once again, these two freedoms are inextricably intertwined, because without security,
ensuring livelihoods is meaningless. Likewise, the converse is equally true. In policy
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