Environmental Engineering Reference
In-Depth Information
on Jatropha oil were more expensive than biogas cookers, both of which were con-
siderably more costly than freely available fuelwood (Van Eijck et al. 2008). In order
for Jatropha to be considered a positive contributor to local livelihoods, women must
receive benefits from it. One such benefit could arise from the creation of small-scale
soap-producing enterprises by rural women to bring in extra income. However, the
literature review revealed very little in the way of evidence on the impacts of Jat-
ropha cultivation, processing or usage on rural women in developing countries. Most
of the literature was either anecdotal or spoke broadly of the gendered impacts of
biofuels. The various interactions between women and Jatropha, both positive and
negative, require further investigation. In particular, research is required on whether
Jatropha results in women losing their roles as the primary provider of food, and as
the crucial reservoirs for indigenous knowledge, when cash crops replace subsistence
farming, as has been shown with other biofuels (Asselbergs et al. 2006). Likewise,
very little information regarding efforts to build the capacities of both men and women
around Jatropha initiatives appeared in the literature; more research in this domain is
warranted.
Local people benefit economically from Jatropha
There are several opportunities for local farmers to benefit economically from Jatropha
initiatives, and decentralizing the cultivation and production of the crop could result
in more local development. UN Bioenergy recognises that having lots of small-scale
producers working together to supply larger facilities, as opposed to having one large-
scale producer, increases the value-added chain and offers a greater contribution to
rural development (UN-Energy 2007). InMali, Mali Biocarburant has kept every stage
of the biofuel production process local and capitalised on employment opportunities:
farmers who grow the Jatropha sell the seeds to the local farmers union cooperative,
and the farmers union presses the seeds, sells the seedcake back to the farmers, sells the
glycerol to a local women's cooperative for soap production, and sells the Jatropha oil
to Mali Biocarburant to make the biodiesel and distribute it throughout Mali (Green
2009). This could serve as a model for initiatives elsewhere.
Jatropha plantations have however failed to deliver on the majority of claims made
about them, resulting in economic hardship and distress for many small farmers. The
literature in this domain indicates that, given its yields, prices and production costs,
Jatropha cultivation is not profitable and represents a risky enterprise for smallholders
(Ariza-Montobbio et al. 2010b; Brittaine et al. 2010). Jatropha can fail to produce local
financial benefits in three ways: requiring long-term and high credit commitments that
are not realistic for most smallholders, labour-intensive periods, and increasing land
prices beyond what local farmers can afford. Each of these is discussed in turn below.
Given the extensive economic costs including initial investments on land prepara-
tion and planting, and the annual maintenance costs for weeding, pruning, fertilisers,
pesticides and irrigation, Jatropha crops impose a need for long-term credit on small
farmers (Ariza-Montobbio et al. 2010b). Pro-industry policies in Tamil Nadu have
meant that companies have more to win than to lose; their timeframes are long and
the risks are low in comparison to farmers whose timeframes are driven by short-
term need and face greater risk and uncertainty (especially in light of the fact that the
gestation of Jatropha at three to five years is long from the perspective of farmers)
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