Environmental Engineering Reference
In-Depth Information
We return to Rapoport's (1974) taxonomy in the next section that deals with the
consequences of the industrial revolution in fishing. We also draw attention to a second
distinction, symmetrical and asymmetrical conflict.
9.4 INDUSTRIALISATION, GLOBALISATION ANDTHE
REFASHIONING OF GOVERNANCE
The isolated and relatively small-scale fisheries of the pre-industrial world changed
dramatically in the 20th century through processes internal and external to the fisheries.
The latter was caused by the rise of new interests in the coastal and inshore zone as the
result of urbanisation, industrial development, mineral exploitation, coastal tourism
and environmental conservation, to name but a few (Cicin-Sain and Knecht 1998).
These interests created new claims to coastal space and resources that impinged on
fishing interests. Nevertheless, it is the former that constitute the focus of this chapter.
Industrialisation and globalisation affected capture fisheries internally (Platteau
1989; Thorpe and Bennett 2001; Bavinck 2011a). Phase 1 commenced late in the
19th century and was centered in Europe, North America, Japan and, to an extent,
South Africa (Croeser et al. 2006). Post-colonial governments were among those ini-
tiating phase 2 in the South, mainly in the period after WWII. The technology in both
phases was identical, and consisted of engine-driven harvesting technology, new gear
types, refrigeration and large-scale infrastructure (such as harbours). Markets devel-
oped alongside increases in production, with most landing sites currently connected to
national and international markets. Seafood now constitutes one of the world's most
traded agricultural commodities (World Bank 2008).
The absolute increase in wealth that occurred in tandem with the industrialisation
of fisheries is indicated first of all by the growth of overall fish production. FAO figures
suggest that global fish catches (inland and marine) increased four and a half times in
the period 1950-2008 from 20 to 90 million metric tonnes (FAO 2011). In the North,
this growth had of course set in much earlier. McEvoy (1986: 126) estimates that while
the California's fishing population remained roughly stable between 1899 and 1925,
catch in this state increased tenfold.
Production increases are not necessarily accompanied by increasing income, but
here again the figures are revealing. Delgado et al. (2003) suggest that increases in
world production in the period since WWII were paralleled by rising consumer demand
and a long and virtually uninterrupted increase of prices. Confirming this trend, the
World Bank (2008:8, figure 8) calculates that the real export unit value (US$/tonne)
of fishery products in the world more than doubled between 1976 and 2004.
The net result of these developments has been, to make use of Butcher's (2004)
terminology, a 'great fish race' and the pushing back of the oceanic wilderness (cf.
Smith 1994; 2000). For many capture fishers who tapped into world markets and
were able to upgrade their activities, this has brought about a 'golden age'. As is to
be expected, this has not been true for all: the distribution of economic benefits from
fishing is severely skewed, and poverty occurs next to riches (Eide et al. 2011).
One of the clear manifestations of varying opportunities is found in countries of the
South, where a division between modern and small-scale fishing fleets has led to many
conflicts between them (Platteau 1989; Bavinck 2005). These conflicts arise because of
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