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(see Chinese State Council [1991] 2006). First, two major forms of compensation—one for
land requisition and one given as a resettlement subsidy—have been markedly increased.
The current standard stipulates that compensation be calculated by assessing the average
annual income of a household over the three years prior to displacement, then multiply-
ing that figure by sixteen. Although the 1991 policy delineated separate standards for land
compensation and resettlement subsidies, the 2006 policy simply stipulates a total maxim-
um, presumably to allow for greater local flexibility in how the ordinance is applied. It also
includes the stipulation that compensation standards might further increase in the future if
resettled households find it impossible to maintain their original living standards. 5
Second, the ordinance expands the range of properties that may be eligible for compens-
ation, including built structures equivalent to their original scales, quality standards, and
purposes. Third, the ordinance requires that compensation for resettlement be included in
any project budget. It also outlines a framework for accountability: resettlement subsidies
are to be allocated by agreement between county governments and the villages within their
jurisdictions, and compensation for land requisition is to be paid directly to affected house-
holds.
Finally, and perhaps most crucially, the ordinance specifically deals with transparency
and equity in the resettlement decision-making process itself, emphasizing that resettled
people have a right to know in advance about development plans affecting them and to par-
ticipate in the process by attending public hearings or submitting comments. The ordinance
also requires that the compensation spending plan be based on a fair survey and assessment
of villagers' land and subject to the approval of affected people, though there is little detail
suggesting how this should be accomplished. In cases where disputes over compensation
arise, the ordinance outlines a process for adjudication and adjustment of compensation
levels.
Because these policies are new and continually evolving, it is likely that they are sporad-
ically enforced. Indeed, my own experience during field research found neighbors living
next to one another in Xiaowan's resettlement village who were compensated at drastic-
ally different levels and had very different feelings about how the resettlement process had
unfolded. It may be impossible at this point to understand how well such policies are be-
ing implemented on a national level. However, the socioeconomic survey data can give us
a glimpse into recent changes in compensation patterns and the consequences for house-
hold livelihoods. How likely are these programs to alleviate the worst social and economic
problems caused by displacement? In order to address this question, I performed a separ-
ate analysis on all households in the socioeconomic survey data set (Brown and Tilt 2010)
that reported any income from displacement compensation ( buchang ) over a twelve-month
period ( n = 122). The results are shown in table 6.3 .
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