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and may not be a central or even an indispensable community member. Yet,
this individual becomes a key actor in the theater of ethnographic research and
plays a pivotal role, linking the fieldworker and the community.
Key actors can provide detailed historical data, knowledge about contem-
porary interpersonal relationships (including conflicts), and a wealth of infor-
mation about the nuances of everyday life. Although the ethnographer tries to
speak with as many people as possible, time is always a factor. Therefore,
anthropologists have traditionally relied most heavily on one or two individu-
als in a given group.
Typically, the key actor will find many of the ethnographer's questions obvi-
ous or stupid. The fieldworker is asking about basic features of the culture—
elementary knowledge to the key actor. However, such naive questions often lead
to global explanations of how a culture works. Such responses point out the dif-
ference between the key actor and a respondent. The key actor generally answers
questions in a comprehensive, albeit meandering, fashion. A respondent answers
a question specifically, without explanations about the larger picture and con-
versational tangents, with all their richness and texture. Interviewing a respon-
dent is usually a more efficient data collection strategy, but it is also less
revealing and potentially less valid than discussion with a key actor.
Key actors require careful selection. They are rarely perfect representatives
of the group. However, they are usually members of the mainstream—
otherwise, they would not have access to up-to-date cultural information. Key
actors may be cultural brokers, straddling two cultures, such as the dropouts in
my study who had one foot in the school and one in the streets. This position
may give them a special vantage point and objectivity about their culture. They
may also be informal or formal leaders in the community. Key actors come
from all walks of life and all socioeconomic and age groups.
Key actors are excellent sources of information and important sounding
boards for ethnographers. In site visits during my study of dropouts, I often
went first to one of my key actors for updating on the latest events and to
sound out my newest ideas about cultural practices and beliefs. Rerun, a
student in the Brooklyn program for dropouts, often invited me to his home for
dinner or to listen to records. He and his grandmother told me stories about the
neighborhood—how it used to be and how dangerous it had become. He also
showed me around the community so that I would learn “how the other half
lived.” His hangouts included fronts for drug transactions and hotels for pimp-
ing, prostitution, and an assortment of related activities. This community
knowledge was invaluable from his perspective, and he was quite willing to
share it with me. This same information helped me to understand the contex-
tual background of the school program. Rerun also gave me an insight into the
school ethos by focusing on the importance of role modeling in the school. He
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