Travel Reference
In-Depth Information
until the end of the First World War. After this,
travel to and from Britain improved, and follow-
ing the end of the Second World War in 1945
and rising Indian Nationalism, it was clear that
the last days of the Empire were looming. Fear-
ful for their future, many British residents
returned to Britain. There was also signifi cant
migration from the hill stations to Rhodesia,
South Africa and Australia, for in spite of their
allegiance to Britain, many residents who were
second-generation British in India knew no
'home' other than India, and fearful of the Brit-
ish climate, they chose to live nearer the equa-
tor than in Britain. With India's independence
in 1947, the Administration with its enormous
retinue left India, and so did the British army.
European visitors to the hills declined signi-
fi cantly; property, including tea and coffee
estates, were sold to Indians and comparatively
swiftly, the social balance changed. By the
1950s, Indians had taken over the clubs, the
estates and other social and economic strong-
holds of the British, but in spite of this, each hill
station retained a relic of European dwellers.
Some were planters, and some retired from the
army or commercial life.
A signifi cant group of visitors to the hills at
this time were missionaries who were no longer
predominantly European or American but
included many Anglo-Indians and Indians.
Another still signifi cant group of visitors included
British and other Europeans who had returned
to Europe but came back to India perhaps once
or at most twice to see those who had stayed
on. In this period, visitors to the hills also
included academics from Europe and North
America who were interested in botany, history,
health and social change, and retired members
of the British army (author's experience).
Returning to the tourist gaze, missionaries con-
tinued to come to the hills mainly for a rest, not
for a lively social life. The Shevaroy hills in par-
ticular grew in importance as a 'stronghold' for
religious organizations, and many missionaries
came to relax and gain strength from their par-
ent organizations. Even in those days, there was
mild cynicism towards missionaries by the
remaining Europeans. The tourist gaze of visi-
tors from abroad was focused on keeping in
touch with relatives and friends, of glimpsing
once again the magnifi cence of the hills, and
experiencing with nostalgia, the remaining
richness of an era past. As Crossette (1998)
observes, the hill stations may have languished
in the postcolonial years, but they were never
completely forgotten.
The Modern Tourist Gaze
Stagnation of the hill stations in the years fol-
lowing independence came to an end when
domestic tourism began to fl ourish in India.
Robinson (1972) observed the vigorous growth
of recreation movements throughout South Asia
while noting that they had attracted little atten-
tion in the literature at that time. Visitors to Ooty
were already on the increase by the early 1970s,
and even in Yercaud, the green shoots were vis-
ible with the fi rst 'new' post independence hotels
established at about this time. Tourism grew
rapidly on the hill stations after 1991 when
India's economic liberalization policies saw an
increase in both the numbers and prosperity
of the middle classes. This, together with
Indian Nationalism has generated a new pro-
gressive image of India both within India and
overseas (Bhardwaj
et al
. 1999; Mawdsley,
2004; Fernandes, 2006; Foster, 2007; Fuller
and Narasimhan, 2007). As part of the growing
wealth of the middle classes, a leisure culture
has developed and with it, increasing demand
for leisure breaks. In 1987, an estimated 34.82
million domestic tourists travelled within India
for leisure breaks, to visit family and friends, as
pilgrims and for business purposes. By 2006,
this fi gure had risen to 420 million domestic
tourists (NCAER 2003; Sreekumar, 2005) - an
increase of over 585%. A survey by NCAER
(2003) revealed that the proportion of tourism
households was highest among the urban,
middle-income groups. Owing to their increased
disposable income, many middle-class domes-
tic tourists are now taking three to four holidays
a year within India, and hill stations are proving
to be popular destinations (Sreekumar, 2005;
India Core, 2008).
But what is it that prompts India's domestic
tourists to visit hill stations; what conditions their
gaze? What do they expect of the experience,
and are their expectations met. How does the
gaze of Indian domestic tourists compare or
contrast with that of their European predecessors?
Broadly, three main groups of domestic tourists
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