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your breasts with that jerky grihhhn.” During their conversation, the interviewer also
asked Paula to describe her experience of ordering drinks from the bar. For Paula, this
was a stressful experience. “Oh wow, um, uhsh, I don't feel like I fit in there I, I felt like
I looked different to everyone else. I probably didn't but I just felt like my dad always
said, like a turd in a swimming pool, like that's not supposed to be there.” This sense of
awkwardnessisthenarticulated intermsofherperceived objectification. “Andsowhen
IwasatthebarIfelt like thegirlswerejudgingmeandthemenwerelookingatmelike
a piece of meat, and like the barman wasn't giving me the attention I deserved because I
wasn't dressed in a certain way or behav[ing] in a certain way.”
Here, Paula describes how she feels about an unwelcome male gaze, focused on her
breasts and bottom and accompanied by a “jerky grin.” The objectification is experien-
ced as being looked at like a “piece of meat” or “like a dildo or something.” When she
describesgoingtothebar,shedescribesfeelingoutofplace—like aturdinaswimming
pool—becauseherbehavioranddressarenotinlinewiththegendernorm.Shelaterex-
plained that her dress and behavior were not provocative or flirtatious enough to allow
her to feel accepted within this space. Thus, she sees her possibilities for sharing and
participation in this hypersexualized vibe as being curtailed by her refusal to engage in
specific practices (of dress and behavior) that promote objectification.
Hutton (2006) has observed that there is a demand on women participating in club
spacestopresentthemselvesassexuallyavailable.Byresistingmalepatrons'objectific-
ation of her body, and by not engaging in acts of self-objectification (by not presenting
herself as sexually available), within a space predominantly oriented toward the objec-
tification of female bodies, this participant is denied access to the “happier” affectual
positions made available by the vibe. This is demonstrative of a type of affectual bias
or privileging, in that the male gaze (and grab!) is so thoroughly entrenched within this
arena,thatonemustbeabletoparticipateinself-objectificationtobehappyinthisspace
and to share and participate in the vibe.
Theheterosexualgenderingoftheclubisalsoevidentinhowclubberspositionthem-
selveswithinandmovearoundthespace.Maleclubberstypicallygatheraroundthebar,
whereas female clubbers sit at tables in groups of around three to five. Although the
dance floor is usually mixed, and is a prime place for socializing, female participants
also express more of a preference for dancing, as Jane explained in her interview. “In
my experience, the guys will stick together in one group and the girls will go out [to
the dance floor] and there's always a base where you will come back to, but you will al-
ways know that your boyfriend or the group of friends is in that specific area.” Jane is a
twenty-six-year-old white female, who works as a secretary in a village near Pietermar-
itzburg.She'soneofAmy'sclosefriends,sothetwooftengooutclubbingtogether.Jane
enjoys Jacks because “you are bound to meet someone that you know.” In her interview
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