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and general public concerns over higher energy costs. However, the elec-
tricity price increases that have ensued since the Fukushima disaster have
somewhat acclimatized the end-consumer (including industry) to higher
electricity costs. herefore, the government has capitalized on this higher
willingness to pay by structuring the FIT program to allow the renewable
energy premium to be passed on to the end-consumer. In many ways this is a
no-lose strategy, because the government does not have to directly subsidize
the FIT and when the end-consumer tires of higher energy costs, the LDP
will be ready to reintroduce the notion of nuclear expansion.
9.7 THE CULMINATION OF INFLUENCES
he account of Matsutaro Shoriki's campaign for building support for
nuclear power relects the modus operandi of Japan's LDP. he LDP has a
long history of actively inluencing the direction of economic development
in the nation and embracing tactics to engender public support when sup-
port is waning. 87 In the current manifestation of this tactic, the LDP has
structured its policies around the one theme that the vast majority of
Japanese are concerned with—the health of the economy. Anything that
gets in the way of the quest for economic recovery (i.e., higher energy costs)
becomes a target for government action.
In regard to energy policy, the LDP and its industrial supporters are posi-
tioning renewable power as a technology that necessitates a choice between
economic prosperity and enhanced environmental governance. Comments
from the Abe administration are increasingly reverting to the old standard—
nuclear power is cheaper, and therefore, a necessary evil. he success that
the LDP has had with this economic recovery above all else rhetoric has
forced opposing politicians to temper their support for an energy transi-
tion. Perhaps of greater concern, the economic recovery above all else man-
tra seems to also be permeating special interest groups and media watchdog
groups. Groups that, in most countries, would be relied upon to provide a
critical opposition to risky government initiatives have been comparatively
moot in response to Abe's support for nuclear power expansion.
With that said, there is still a vociferous segment of grassroots opposi-
tion that has emerged post-Fukushima that is managing to air its views
publicly through public demonstrations, social media and fringe media
channels. Two years after the Fukushima disaster these small anti-nuclear
groups have demonstrated a degree of resilience, although the number of
protesters have somewhat declined. At the same time, there has been an
infusion of public engagement and an elevation in public alarm since the
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