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governing structure as democratic centralism, wherein political power
is centralized within a tight network comprised of the National People's
Congress (NPC), the president, and the State Council (the centralism fea-
ture). In theory, within this centralized political network matters of policy
are debated and alternative perspectives are aired (the democratic feature).
he NPC is China's highest state body, the only legislative house in China
and in theory the nation's political core, as it is responsible for electing the
president and the premiere of the State Council. Members of the NPC are
elected by the Provincial People's Congress, which is in turn consists of
elected members of the People's Congress at the county level. Members of
the People's Congress are elected by voters, so there is a degree of theoretical
grassroots power as voters have some say over who represents their inter-
ests within the CPC.
In practice, the true core of political power resides within the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of China, where the General Secretary
is the highest ranking oicial, head of the Secretariat, a standing member
of the Politburo and President of China. It is within the Central Committee
of the CPC that policy is formulated. Furthermore, the General Secretary of
the Central Committee nominates China's Premier, who is responsible for
organizing and supervising China's civil bureaucracy.
In order to maintain centralist control, governance in China is based on a
dual leadership system whereby the heads of local bureaus or oices report
to both a local leader and the leader of the corresponding oice, bureau, or
ministry that is at the next highest functional level. Whereas in the past
the CPC managed to preserve authoritarian control over regional politics
via control over inances, reforms beginning in the Deng Xiaoping era have
gradually resulted in a difused power base, giving local or regional bureau-
crats greater decision-making autonomy. In fact, there are well-documented
cases of leaders in provinces such as Guangdong and Zhejiang and munici-
palities such as Shanghai and Tianjin pursuing initiatives that are at odds
with CPC policies. he Special Administrative Regions of Hong Kong and
Macau are also theoretically granted a high degree of political indepen-
dence, provided the policies enacted by regional leaders do not conlict with
central government dictates. However, when regional initiatives clash with
central policies, there have also been well-documented incidents of Beijing
reasserting control.
In regard to energy policy, the devolution of national political structure
from tight control at the core to ever-increasing economic autonomy at
regional and local levels has engendered a policy regime within which regional
disparities are beginning to emerge. his fragmentation of power comes with
pros and cons. On the one hand, regions that are rich in particular energy
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