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trees were damaged in the felling process. Recently, while investigating the effects of
modern selective logging in Amazonia (research carried out as part of the Large-Scale
Biosphere-Atmosphere Experiment in Amazonia [LBA], a NASA international research
initiative), researchers reviewed several “subcanopy” impacts of this kind of extrac-
less intact but strongly affects forest functions through changes in carbon uptake, seed
stocks, regeneration, ecological community structure, and resilience. Perhaps the most
important finding is that that between ten and thirty adjacent trees are taken down for
each “targeted” tree. LBA scientists concentrated on “harvest” rates of about one tree
per hectare, roughly equivalent to modern
Castilla
densities, although these low mod-
ern
Castilla
distributions seem somewhat at odds with the descriptions of
manchals
of
nineteenth-century observers like Rocha, quoted earlier. Harvesting in the more intens-
ive
caucho
zones produced a “stealth” deforestation rate of between 36 and 180 milli-
Peruvian
caucheiros
into the lands of Brazilian tappers.
89
Ifwetakemoderndataasthenorm,eventhoughthismayleadustounderestimatethe
impact, the selective clearing of
Castilla
during the height of the rubber economy may
have been “invisible” at the time but produced such deforestation that today the satellite
signature of the upper Amazon is successional forests rather than the primal
selva
these
placesareimaginedtobe.
Caucho
hasbecomeaspeciesoffloodplainsratherthanofthe
“killing trees and men.”
Where Rubber Reigned: Peonage and the Northeastern Diaspora
Attempts to intensify
Hevea
rubber production in Amazonia have consistently met with
failure because of the vulnerability of
Hevea
trees in the Amazon to
Macrosystis ulei
,
a fungus that decimates the young leaves. Traditional and native peoples have con-
centrated useful plants wherever possible, a phenomenon documented throughout the
Amazon basin. Even today tappers in Acre and in the eastern Amazon along the Tapajos
been many larger-scale attempts at making denser
Hevea
stands, largely unsuccessful,
dustrial production through plantations in Amazonia—the most efficient way tree crops
can be organized to serve dynamic capitalist markets—were always thwarted in Amazo-
nia by ecological constraints, even when, as in Fordlândia, Henry Ford's enclave for in-
the general mode in
caucho
systems, debt peonage has characterized much labor mo-
bilization in the Brazilian rubber economy in upper Amazon tributaries. The ending of
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