Introducing the Case Study Areas: Hydro-climatic and Governance Contexts - Climate Change and Water Governance: Adaptive Capacity in Chile and Switzerland - page 103

The new regime sought to utilise water resources for expanded irrigation and
economic development primarily from the growth of export goods through agribusi-
ness (Table 6.2 ). In 1981, when the Water Code was established, initial market
movements resulted in cases of hoarding and speculation of unused water rights
(Corkal and Hurlbert 2008 ), propagating the sense of the Code's injustice towards
the poor and the evidence that it limited the state's capacity to regulate water
efficiently and equitably. Water management in La Ligua and Petorca valleys has
been classified by Budds ( 2004 , p 324), as highly politicised, due to the manipula-
tion or ignoring of neutral laws and policies by elite political influence and the
connections to large scale farmers and other forms of industry. Before 1990s a
significant and accountable environmental regime did not exist (Table 6.2 ). Today
an environmental law framework exists (Corkal and Hurlbert 2008 ), but is still seen
as being highly flawed.
In Chile, the socio-economic situation places further stress on its water system
from the growing need for energy (hydro-power), urban development and the neo-
liberal economic growth model. Growing industrialisation, increasing population
and highly intensive agricultural production in the lower watershed are all playing
a part. The Aconcagua basin is experiencing increasing pressure on its water
resources from both climatic and non-climatic pressures, leading to heightened
competition among different users for water allocation (Pellicciotti et al. 2007 ) .
Chile is one of the most urbanised countries in South America, with the over-
whelming majority of the people living in central Chile (Central Valley) and
approximately 88% population in urban centres. A third of these are in Santiago,
the capital.
The Aconcagua Basin is situated in the southern part of the Valparaíso region,
50 km north of Santiago. The region is divided into seven provinces; Petorca, Los
Andes, San Felipe de Aconcagua, Quillota, Valparaíso, San Antonio, Isla de Pascua
and has an area of 16,396.1 km 2 . The capital of the region, Valparaíso, is a legisla-
tive hub of power and an important commercial port. Total population of the
Aconcagua basin is 485,614 with the highest density in the urban centres around the
course of the main river (Reyes Carbajal 2007 ). Population is currently expanding,
placing an increasing demand on water supply for main activities such as agricul-
ture, mining and industry.
The mining industry not only impacts water resources by its demand in produc-
tion, but also by its destructive impact on the glaciers on which it mines (Brenning
2007 ). In the past 15 years, the overwhelming growth of mines in rock glacier areas
(e.g. Los Bronces & Division Mina Andina) has produced a strong geomorphologic
impact. In the context of tremendous growth of the Chilean mining industry, and the
great potential for future exploitation of reserves, further cases of future degradation
and destruction of rock glaciers and glaciers have to be expected in Chile. The
region is also important for agricultural production, wine production and industrial
activity (copper mining, cement production). The largest oil refinery is situated on
the mouth of the Aconcagua River, in Con-Con. Chemical and gas storage is another