Travel Reference
In-Depth Information
In 1018 Bulgaria fell to the Byzantines, who ruled for almost 170 years before the
Bulgarians wrested it back. This launched the second Bulgarian Kingdom in new capi-
tal Veliko Tarnovo, from where they ruled the Balkans from the Adriatic to the
Aegean. Jealous of its strategic position, the Ottomans invaded in 1398, ushering in a
500-year tenure that came to be known as the “Yoke of Oppression.” one that only
lifted after the groundswell of nationalism, which spawned the flourishing 19th-cen-
tury design and art that came to be known as “National Revival” or “Bulgarian Renais-
sance” style (the best examples found in Plovdiv and Koprivishtitsa) and led to the
1876 April Uprisings. Following its brutal squashing, Russia finally came to the res-
cue, helping to oust the Ottomans in 1877, an act for which the Bulgarians remained
permanently in Russia's debt, erecting numerous monuments and churches, like the
Alexander Nevsky in Sofia, as proof of their “special relationship.”
This may explain why Bulgaria so meekly accepted the Soviet “invasion” after
World War II (during which Bulgaria sided with Hitler in the mistaken hopes of
finally reclaiming the territory it lost in World War I). Ostensibly an independent
Communist state, Bulgaria in reality once again found itself dominated by an outside
power, this time under the “yoke” of the hard-line dictator Todor Zhivkov, who ruled
until 1989, when he was quietly removed from power.
Bulgaria's first free elections were held in January 1990, when the Bulgarian Social-
ist Party was voted into power. Predictably, the poorly managed transition to a free
market economy resulted in hyperinflation (579% in 1996), and by the end of the
millennia Bulgaria was at the mercy of the IMF, which introduced austere reforms. In
2001 Bulgarians, ill disposed to their fledgling democracy, and overwhelmed by the
return of their czar-in-exile, voted with their hearts. Simeon Saxe-Coburg Gotha, who
fled after World War II at age 9, was placed at the helm a few months after his return,
but the gray, characterless czar did little to improve the fortunes of the country or the
average person.
Currently Bulgaria is managed by a fragile coalition between three very disparate
parties: the toothless class-based BSP; the hugely resented Movement for Rights and
Freedoms, predominantly supported by ethnic Turkish minorities of the south; and
the nationalist Movement Simeon II, still headed by the ex-prince who currently
stands in the shadow of his Italian cousin's corruption trial for drug and human traf-
ficking. Established to meet the conditions for E.U. accession, the coalition looks
unlikely to survive beyond 2007; even if it does, Bulgaria will still lack strong, selfless
leadership: the fact that Sofia's current mayor “hardman” Boiko Borissov—Todor
Zhivkov's former security chief—enjoys enough popularity for the local press to
speculate on his presidential ambitions, does not bode well. The ideal of an account-
able, transparent leader with no tentacles into the shadowy past is clearly not one held
by all. And without economic prowess, real freedom remains elusive.
BULGARIAN PEOPLE & CULTURE
Gird your loins: Bulgarians can be both insufferably rude and unbelievably charming.
According to World Value Surveys (WVS), the Bulgarian culture is “collectivist,”
meaning that good service and quality goods are traditionally reserved for “in-group”
members, and that nepotism may be seen as a value, while individual pride, compet-
itiveness, and initiative may be suppressed. These findings play out in the service
industry; you may be shocked by the brusque or downright hostile treatment you'll
receive in certain shops, hotels, or restaurants. Ironically, people you meet outside the
