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at their proplet NAGs (7.4.2). The following examples use an object sentence
construction, but the explanation holds for all the other constructions as well:
11.6.5 P
ROPLET
NAG
SOFAN
H'L
AND AN
L' H
CONSTRUCTION
H'L:
L'H:
verb: know
verb: know
arg: (Mary 18)/ça (happy 18)
arg: Mary (happy 18)
prn: 17
prn: 17
3
6
1
4
1
2
5
6
noun: (Mary 18)/ça
adj: happy
noun:
Mary
adj: happy
fnc: know
fnc: (know 17)
fnc: know
fnc: (know 17)
prn: 17
arg: Mary
prn: 18
prn: 17
arg: (Mary 17)/ça
prn: 18
4
2
5
3
noun:
Mary
noun: (Mary 17)/ça
fnc: happy
prn: 18
fnc: happy
prn: 18
1
2
3
4
5
6
.
(iv) surface realization
That
she
was__happy
was__known
to__Mary
1
2
3
4
5
6
.
% She
knew
that
Mary
was_happy
For the sake of the argument, the noun proplet representing
she
in the
H'L
construction on the left has the core value
(Mary 18)/ça
rather than only
ça
-
as if a coreferential interpretation were possible. We would like to show why
this is in fact not the case.
When the matrix verb
know
is traversed in the initial navigation step, its
intrapropositional
arg
values are (sub)activated as well (Sect. 5.4). In the
L' H
construction on the right of 11.6.5, the relevant
arg
value is intrapropositional
Mary
.Inthe
H'L
construction on the left, in contrast, the relevant
arg
value is
an extrapropositional address, namely
(Mary 18)
.
The
arg
value
(Mary 18)
in the matrix verb of the
H'L
construction fails as a
potential item to be pointed at by the core value
(Mary 18)
of the noun proplet
representing
she
because it is in need of a value to point at itself. This value
would be the
Mary
proplet in the subclause, to be traversed later. Thus, there
is no address to point at, and no coreferential interpretation is possible.
In the
L' H
construction on the right of 11.6.5, in contrast, the postcedent of
she
, i.e., the
Mary
proplet serving as the higher subject, is activated as soon
as the matrix verb is traversed. Thus when the noun proplet representing
she
is reached in transition 2, there is an item available to be pointed at by the
address value
(Mary 17)
- which explains why a coreferential interpretation
is possible in this case.
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