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term, each individual benefits from car use rather than using public transport.
But in the long term all individuals experience more pollution and environ-
mental damage if all use cars rather than public transport (a cooperation
strategy). Tertoolen et al (1998) argue that to cooperate, people must under-
stand the dilemma, and secondly people must believe that others will not
defect. There is an element of trustworthiness required. Several studies have
found that responsibility for climate change is seen to lie with others, for
example, with governments, or businesses and other countries (Lorenzoni et
al, 2007; Stoll-Kleemann et al, 2001). Furthermore, the social dilemma can
clearly be seen in studies of tourist behaviour where lack of action is justified
by the inactivity by others (Anable et al, 2006; Hares et al, 2010; Randles and
Mander, 2009a; Shaw and Thomas, 2006).
Given that there is much inconsistency between environmental attitudes
and behaviour, many have looked to Festinger's explanation of cognitive dis-
sonance. Cognitive dissonance is defined as inconsistency between attitudes, or
between attitudes and behaviour. It creates an unpleasant tension and will
motivate individuals to either change behaviour or change attitude (Eiser and
van der Pligt, 1988; Tertoolen et al, 1998). Work in the transport field sug-
gests that attitudes are reconfigured to fit behaviour (Golob and Hensher,
1998; Tertoolen et al, 1998). There is also evidence of psychological reactance,
where people faced with overwhelming evidence that their behaviour should
be changed react by striving to maintain the desired behaviour. Evidence for
this has been found in campaigns and structural measures to restrain transport
behaviour (Tertoolen et al, 1998).
The above theoretical approaches have all made a useful contribution to
the understanding of behavioural decisions; however, they all focus on indi-
vidual decision-making. They assume people make rational decisions on the
basis of the information available, and have stable attitudes (Dickinson and
Dickinson, 2006). However, attitudes are complex and interdependent
(Cassidy, 1997). Attitudes can also contradict, be context-specific and short-
lived (Billig, 1996; Clark et al, 1994; Macnaghten, 1993; Macnaghten, 1995;
Macnaghten et al, 1992). The above theories say only a little about social
processes and the way society shapes views and behaviour. People frequently
contradict themselves, but may be unaware of these contradictions (Billig,
1996; Billig et al, 1988), and express dilemmas rather than fixed views
(Dickinson and Dickinson, 2006). For instance, research with a small group
of self-identified slow travellers highlighted dilemmas and various rhetorical
strategies employed to justify air travel (Dickinson et al, 2010b). Earlier
work by Macnaghten (1995) concludes that views on environmental and
transport issues are influenced by societal and policy agendas that are often
contradictory, paradoxical and highly controversial. This is also the case with
air travel.
Thus, there is a body of work that contests or seeks to modify much of
the attitude and behaviour literature. These studies all argue that people are
likely to hold dilemmas rather than fixed attitudes in relation to transport,
tourism and climate change, particularly as it becomes an increasingly con-
tested issue.
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