Comparative Research Design - The Politics of Water Institutional Reform in Neopatrimonial States - page 81

society. It defines and perpetuates local values and norms of behavior. The mahalla committee
also has the authority to organize hashars (see above ch. 0). As each mahalla usually had its own
mosque, cemetery and communal building, these were constructed and maintained by hashars .
During Soviet times, village life was organized by the village council ( soviet kishlaka ) and the
brigades. However, Soviet organizations such as sovkhozes and kolkhozes replaced the former
kinship based and mahalla institutions only superficially. Hashars were transformed into “ Sub
botniki ”; brigades were organized parallel to mahalla structures. As a matter of fact, the mahalla ,
formerly mainly an urban institution, even gained importance in rural areas as part of a kolkhoz .
After the Soviet authorities' attempts to supersede it had failed, it was tolerated but never was
formally legitimized (Roy 2000: 85 100; Grundmann 2004: 10; Freizer 2005; Geiss 2001).
Also in independent Tajikistan, there is no legal basis for the activities of mahalla commit
tees yet. There are attempts to formalize the mahalla committee and transform it into an official
state structure for local governance. Mahalla committees are also established in villages where
they had not existed traditionally. However, the nature and performance of mahalla committees
as well as the extent to which the members of the community trust the mahalla vary considera
bly in the different regions and differ from village to village. Sometimes they are connected
very closely to state bodies for example when the chairman receives a salary, sometimes they
are more independent, sometimes rather inactive (Abdullaev 2004:10; Ilolov, Khudoiyev 2001;
Grundmann 2004:8f; ASDP „NAU“ 2003: 26f; Freizer 2004).
Another local institution is the village assembly. However, a general village meeting does
not necessarily include the entire village population. Many village meetings only gather the
male population. In some villages, it is more of a meeting of invited representatives of the
different village mahallas . Whether and in how far these representatives spread the information
varies. In the village of the case study, village meetings are said to be held every Tuesday. Many
locals, however, do not know about them or do not attend because they don't have the time;
because real problems would not be discussed; or because “only old men go there”. It was
reported that generally about 15 20 people from every mahalla actually participate in such meet
ings. Many interviewed locals did not really know about the mahalla committee or the village
meetings and did not appreciate its work:
“I haven't participated in village meetings for seven years as I am too sick. Nobody from the mahalla committee
comes to us and gives us information; they are not interested in us. I do not even know who is in the committee”
(old man, Iskodar, 09/28/2005).
In addition to those 'traditional' village institutions, entirely new organizations are also created
as counterparts for donor programs, such as Village Development Committees (VDCs), Vil
lage Organizations, Jamoat Support Centers, etc. These are often informal groups but some
times they are also formalized. In some cases they are part of internationally funded projects to
support local self governance, in other cases they are counterparts to projects, their main task
being the distribution of resources (like microcredits). Often, these committees consist of the
same respected people and leading figures as the mahalla committee.
Patronage is the central mode of local politics. Historically, networks were mainly estab
lished along kinship ties. Even though they emerged as pre Soviet institutions, these values and
loyalties still play a role. In many cases, they were transformed or even strengthened by Soviet
institutions (Roy 2000: 85 100; Grundmann 2004: 10). The Soviet Union did not present a
fundamental change in the logic of patronage politics. Independence and privatization did not
change this either. Again the names were changed but personal affiliations, networks and pa
tronage as the fundamental mode of distribution of resources remained. Despite the estab
lishment of formal local government and the strengthening of traditional institutions, the FSK