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and national interpretations of landscape. They do not (and cannot) genuinely
include connected ecosystems, nor traditional territories for Indigenous com-
munities. Although some gains have been made within the IJC for greater inclusion
of Indigenous peoples in the decision-making process (such as the Rainy Lake of
the Woods Watershed Board explicitly including a seat for Indigenous representatives
on their Board - something that the previous boards have not done) room remains
for greater inclusion and diversity.
In the next Part, I explore the impacts of divided spaces on connected ecosystems
and communities (as seen with the Boundary Bay case, Chapter 5) , Indigenous-
led formal mechanisms (such as the Coast Salish Gathering, Chapter 6), as well as
performative techniques (such as the Canoe Journey , Chapter 7, and the Water
Walkers, Chapter 8) . Lastly, I explore the ongoing challenges of worldviews and
governance through the complex case of Luna/ Tsu-xiit , which challenges govern-
ance mechanisms both jurisdictionally and through a blurring of animal-human
lines (Chapter 9).
Notes
1
Mitchell, 1990; Montgomery et al. , 1995; McGinnis, 1999; Leach and Pelkey, 2001;
Kliot et al. , 2001.
2
This is based on interviews and feedback from the 2008 transboundary water governance
workshop held at the University of British Columbia, Vancouver. The case studies
represent an analysis of qualitative and quantitative data drawn from interviews with
water managers on both sides of the border, participant observation in transboundary
water governance activities, and a comprehensive database of transboundary water
governance instruments. Specifically, for this chapter, the interviews with IJC officials
occurred in Ottawa in January 2006 and DC in April 2006. The phone interviews
occurred in 2007 and 2008. Overall, this research represents 54 interviews from cross-
sectors of jurisdictions of actors involved in the governance of transboundary waters.
For more information on methodology, please see Norman (2009).
 
 
 
 
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