Geography Reference
In-Depth Information
quality of “endogenous policy formulation and implementation”. Earlier, Katzenstein
(
1985
) had made similar remarks in relation to smaller European states.
Island-specific literature suggests five policy areas as being critical ingredients
in shaping prosperity, economic development-wise (e.g. Milne
2000
). Contestation
over 'who does what' in these economic policy areas is typically tense, especially
in federal political systems, and may in itself lead to demands for more self-rule,
its withdrawal or its renegotiation between the parties concerned. These powers are
premised on effective governance: however, unlike other models that seek to
explain the principles behind revenue flows to island economies,
4
these policy areas
depend much more on the proactive nurturing of specific, local, jurisdictional
capacities or local powers (Baldacchino
2006a
). They comprise the management of
external relations “… by means of domestic policies and governing institutions”
(Warrington
1998
: 101). These five select policy areas are: (1) powers over finance,
mainly banking, insurance and taxation; (2) powers over environmental policy,
particularly natural resources; (3) powers over access, particularly in relation to air
and sea transportation; (4) powers over free movement of persons; and (5) powers
over tourism policy (
for details
,
see
Baldacchino
2006b
; Baldacchino and Milne
2000
). Looking at these policy areas more holistically, Bertram and Poirine (
2007
:
362) conclude that “… the combination of offshore finance and high-quality tourism
stands out as the strategy of the most successful island economies”.
Ecological Success
The defining characteristics behind
ecological
success are much more elusive. They
typically include low population levels enjoying longevity and healthy low-stress
lifestyles, large proportions of undisturbed and pristine land, rich air quality, abundant
local fauna and flora, low carbon footprints… but these same features may be (mis)
construed as those of a primitive, late-coming, underdeveloped economy. What, for
example, is Greenland/Kalaallit Nunaat? On one hand, the world's largest island
(2.16 million km
2
), with the world's largest national park (Northeast Greenland
National Park - 972,000 km
2
); a population of just 56,344 (in 2007), of whom 88%
are indigenous Inuit or mixed Danish and Inuit; and - thanks to challenging climate
conditions, sub-national jurisdictional status, and distance from markets - receiving
relatively low but high-paying tourism visitations: around 30,000 annually. Yet, the
tourism figures (via both air and cruise ship) are on a steady increase; and the official
policy appears to be satisfied with expansion (e.g. Kaae
2006
). And so, Greenland
may be simply a very late starter on the otherwise conventional route to mass tourism.
We could say the same about Madagascar, and other smaller islands. The march to
conventional development grips such islands too: their populations - as their tourist
4
As do the MIRAB and SITE models (both reviewed in Bertram
2006
).
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