Geography Reference
In-Depth Information
urban uses, and road improvements.
Time
magazine ran a six-page story in the
Living section titled “Maui: America's Magic Isle”. “They do not come to Maui for
the Don Ho-hula-grass-skirt-sarong-muumuu-mai tai-lei-and-luau scenario that, in
mainlanders' eyes at least, has become to Hawai'i what Mickey Mouse is to Disney
World or the one-armed bandit to Las Vegas. They come for some of the world's
most spectacular scenery and a variety of activities unmatched by any comparable
area on earth” (Demarest
1979
).
Dramatic increases in resident and visitor populations, total number of hotel
rooms, employment opportunities, state tax collections, and business receipts from
the 1970s to the end of the twentieth century indicate that the development strategy
was an economic success (Blackford
2001
). By 2006, 63% of Maui's visitors had
averaged 4.6 visits to the island, evidence of the enduring allure to those travelers
who desire a “largely pristine and un-Waikikied” destination (DBEDT
2006
;
Demarest
1979
).
East Maui retains an identity independent of Central and West Maui, due in part
to its physical isolation and limited infrastructure. Most visitors are day-trippers on
small group excursions or in rental cars as overnight accommodations are limited.
This cultural
kipuka
reflects a Hawaiian sense of place that enables the region to
distinguish itself from the rest of Maui.
Resistance to a status quo of mass tourism development coalesced in response
to an 18-hole golf course proposed by Hana Ranch owners, who also own the Hotel
Hana-Maui, and approved by the County of Maui (Fujimoto
1991
). Supporters
claimed that the golf course would increase visitors while providing job opportuni-
ties for residents. Opponents, who recalled the rapid transformation of South and
West Maui into exclusive resort enclaves, did not consider a golf course as the
means to gain a competitive advantage. “Everything we have seen so far indicates
they are not going to be able to make it economically viable” (Fujimoto
1991
). The
plan was not to become like other destinations, but to retain the qualities that main-
tain and restore the cultural
kipuka
. Opponents also suggested that visitors would
be attracted for its differences and not similarities to the rest of the island, particu-
larly given the assumption that “some families return to Hana as faithfully as
Maui's whales” (Demarest
1979
).
East Maui, along with other places with concentrations of environmental diver-
sity, increasingly realized that they could target “hordes of nature-loving tourists”
that were fueling interest in ecotourism and sustainable development in such places
as Costa Rica and Kenya (Conrow
1997
; Honey
1999
). In fact, state land managers
continue to worry that overused resources will be further degraded and require
facility improvements. The assumption is that nature tourists are less interested in
a round of golf or sitting on a beach and are willing to pay for authentic experiences
that are compatible with a Hawaiian sense of place.
Opposition to a golf course in East Maui based on concerns over water quality,
disruption of rural lifestyles, and imposing luxury homes along fairways inter-
rupted the development plans. Hana Ranch has tabled the golf course plan and
instead, successive owners have promoted a development approach considered
appropriate to the place and host community. However, the ranch's 2,000 ha are
Search WWH ::
Custom Search